Gil Bailie’s definitive work on René Girard is Violence Unveiled. While many counsel “Read the original!” I have always been one who has preferred to read interpreters and then read the originals. It gives me a sense of knowing the lay of the land or landmarks to observe as I read the original source material. Bailie brings a wealth of anecdote and other observations to Girard’s work which brings it more alive to me.
Joseph Bottum felt the same: “Of the four books, Bailie’s Violence Unveiled is the best introduction to the Girardian topics of violence, culture, and sacrifice. It is an easily accessible and beautifully crafted analysis that moves freely from Greek literature to current news stories, from Aztec myths to Captain Cook’s experience in Tahiti, and finds in them all the grounds for a persuasive biblical and anti-violent Christian apologetics. Specialist and nonspecialist alike will find Bailie’s book rewarding; I recommend it highly.”
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Beginning from literary criticism and ending with a general theory of culture, through an explanation of the role of religion in primitive societies and a radical reinterpretation of Christianity, René Girard has completely modified the landscape in the social sciences. Ethnology, history of religion, philosophy, psychoanalysis, psychology and literary criticism are explicitly mobilized in this enterprise. Theology, economics and political sciences, history and sociology — in short, all the social sciences, and those that used to be called moral sciences — are influenced by it.
Paul Doumachel
The Revolutionary Tribunal went to work, and a steady slaughtering began. . . The invention of the guillotine was opportune to this mood. The queen was guillotined, and most of Robespierre’s antagonists were guillotined; atheists who argued that there was no Supreme Being were guillotined; Danton was guillotined because he thought there was too much guillotine; day by day, week by week, this infernal new machine chopped off heads and more heads and more. The reign of Robespierre lived, it seemed, on blood, and needed more and more, as an opium-taker needs more and more opium.
H. G. Wells
In the case of tens of millions killed and the lives of entire nations subverted, a catchword simply won’t do….” Communism” was the breakdown of humanity and not a political problem. It was a human problem, a problem of our species, and thus of a lingering nature… Why don’t we simply start by admitting that an extraordinary anthropological backslide has taken place in our century?
Joseph Brodsky
Will we actually allow Auschwitz to be the end point, the disruption which it really was, the catastrophe of our history, out of which we can find a way only through a radical change of direction achieved via new standards of action? Or will we see it only as a monstrous accident within this history but not affecting history’s course?
Johann Baptist Metz
Sacred Violence
No summary could convey the subtlety of the Girardian theory, and an oversimplified presentation of it would lead to misconceptions, defeating the very purpose of an introduction. Suffice it to say that Girard has uncovered the role violence plays in archaic religion and the role these religious systems play in human culture. Human history is the relentless chronicle of violence that it is because when cultures fall apart they fall into violence, and when they revive themselves they do so violently. Primitive religion is the institution that remembers the reviving violence mythologically and ritually reenacts its spellbinding climax. Primitive religion grants one form of violence a moral monopoly, endowing it with enough power and prestige to preempt other forms of violence and restore order. The famous distinction between “sacred” and “profane” is born as the culture glorifies the decisive violence (sacred) that brought an episode of chaotic violence (profane) to an end and made warriors into worshipers. Distinguishing these two forms of violence is always an extremely arbitrary affair, but that does not keep the distinction from having beneficial effects. Religion makes possible these benefits by bestowing sacred status on a socially tolerable form of violence to which the culture can resort as an alternative to greater and more catastrophic violence. “It is better that one man should die,” said Caiaphas of Jesus, “than that the whole nation be destroyed.”
Caiaphas was invoking a mechanism for preserving culture that is as old as culture itself. Whether it is the Assyro-Babylonian myth declaring that Marduk created the world by killing the monster Tiamat; or the Teutonic myth telling how Odin formed the world by raising the corpse of Ymir from the sea of Ymir’s own blood, or Pope Urban II declaring that God willed the first Crusade; or Thomas Jefferson saying that the tree of liberty must be periodically watered with the blood of patriots and tyrants; or Lenin saying you can’t make an omelet without breaking eggs — cultures have forever commemorated some form of sacred violence at their origins and considered it a sacred duty to reenact it in times of crisis. The logic of sacred violence is nowhere expressed more succinctly nor repudiated more completely than in the New Testament, where the high priest solemnly announces its benefits and the crucifixion straightaway reveals its arbitrariness and horror. The New Testament account of the crucifixion reproduces the myths and mechanisms of primitive religion only to explode them, reveal their perversities, and declare allegiance to the Victim of them. As the theologian Robert Hamerton-Kelly, one of Girard’s most astute interpreters, puts it: “Christian theology provides a trenchant critique of religion.”
The Waning Of Scapegoating Violence
There was, however, something profoundly true about what Caiaphas said. Up to this very day, cultures rely on scapegoating violence to a far greater degree than we realize. The reason culture is now in such disarray, however, is that this ancient recipe for generating social solidarity has ceased to have its once reliable effects. It has been gradually shorn of its religious mystifications, and, as a result, its ability to promote cultural order has waned. By mystifying human violence and attributing it to the gods, archaic religion endowed a certain form of physical might — usually the most powerful form — with metaphysical significance. As long as the myths that mythologized certain human violence remained in effect, this sacralized violence was able to ward off other violence or crush it with religious conviction when it arose. As the myths that divinized the violence were weakened, the difference between order-destroying violence and order-restoring violence likewise began to break down.
Which brings me back to the hole in the parlor floor (a metaphor used by the poet Richard Wilbur whereby a carpenter’s work in progress allows the observer to see the foundation of the house). As Girard explained in his next book — Things Hidden since the Foundation of the World — the hole in the parlor floor into which he had peered in Violence and the Sacred was made by the Galilean Carpenter who was publicly executed outside Jerusalem two thousand years ago. As profoundly novel as Girard’s insights seem, he insists that they simply clarify and explicate a revelation of sacred violence that has its seeds in the Hebrew Scriptures and its stunning climax in the New Testament passion story. The Carpenter made a hole in the parlor floor and Girard simply looked into it and saw there things hidden since the foundation of the world. “Thus,” writes Robert Hamerton-Kelly, “Girard points us to a possible restatement of biblical faith that places it at the center of the struggle for a culture beyond violence.”
The Cross As An Hermeneutic Principle
According to the currently fashionable school of literary deconstruction, literary criticism is in a tailspin that is too momentous to be interrupted. There is nothing but the text. One reading is as good as another. Girard’s work, however, articulates the terms under which the critical work might be revived, grounded once again in historical reality’ and made both anthropologically and spiritually significant. As the criteria for assessing cultural arrangements generally, and literary traditions specifically, Girard has proposed the victim and the truth about the victim. He has suggested that the real task of literary criticism has just begun, and that at its center is the Cross. With the Cross as his hermeneutic principle, Girard’s work deconstructs literary deconstruction and replaces its purely literary vertigo with intellectual and moral vigor.
The.phrase “things hidden since the foundation of the world” is taken from the Gospel of Matthew. In the passage from which it is taken, Matthew says that Jesus’ use of parables was linked to his mission to reveal those things hidden since the foundation of the world. The implication is that the practical meaning of revolutionary and “counter-intuitive” truths is more likely to be conveyed by anecdotes than by an abstract statement of the truths themselves.
Historical Developments And The Worldwide Crisis Of Culture
“Every historical development,” wrote the historian John Lukacs, “is inseparable from its recognition.” Almost by definition, a truly historic development is one that cannot be adequately assessed by the conventional wisdom and intellectual presuppositions whose historical relevance it is bringing to an end. The worldwide crisis of culture in the midst of which we now find ourselves is just such a historical development. If historical developments are inseparable from their recognition, and if the one we’re living through is having some terrible consequences in part because we have failed to recognize its true significance, then it is our responsibility to try anew to recognize it. Those who come after us may be better able than we to recognize the nature of the present crisis, but they may not have a chance to do so unless we begin to recognize it better than we have so far.
Explaining Away Violence
It has been said that “the Nazi experience tests the limits of what history can explain.” Nor is the Nazi holocaust alone in defying explanation. Today, we are constantly confronted by news of horrendous acts of collective violence for which our familiar explanations seem inadequate. If we are no longer able to explain away the violence that is upon us, it is because almost all of the interpretive and explanatory tools with which we have tried to explain it are those bequeathed to us by the European Enlightenment. The Enlightenment came into being by expelling or marginalizing the religious perspective without which some of the oddest vagaries of the human drama become incomprehensible. For perfectly understandable reasons, the Enlightenment had hoped to rid the world of religious superstition and the religious passions that had proven so destructive. It proposed to do so by placing an empirical rationalism at the spiritual center of the West’s cultural undertaking — a place once occupied by Christian moral and intellectual sensibilities, whose source of clarity remained unclear and whose historical and cultural effects were, shall we say, not uniformly edifying. In truth, however, what the Enlightenment did was to secularize a wariness about religion that has its roots in the Old Testament prophets, the Gospels, and the letters of Paul. For both the secularizing and rationalizing impulses it espoused were products of the Judeo-Christian tradition that the Enlightenment came into existence by underestimating and repudiating.
There may be no more urgent task today than that of renouncing religious superstition and freeing ourselves from its grip, but we’re not likely to do so by abandoning the spiritual tradition that taught us to be wary of religious superstition in the first place. Things have changed. Today, one is more likely to find people who have renounced religious superstition in monasteries and in synagogues, in church-sponsored soup kitchens, and at morning Mass than at the shopping mall, the fitness gym, the stock exchange, or the faculty lounge. Those who think that disdain for religion is an antidote for religious superstition haven’t sufficiently pondered the French Revolution or Madam Mao’s cultural revolution or Pol Pot’s bloody attempt at social engineering. On the other hand, if we could dispense with both the credulous forms of piety and the gullible forms of skepticism that combine to insulate the modern world from the biblical tradition, we might finally realize that the Hebrew prophets and the New Testament represent the world’s mother lode of anti-superstition.
The End Of “History”
As Girard’s seminal work indicates, and as I will try to show, we are in the midst of perhaps the greatest anthropological challenge in history. It is a challenge that goes to the heart of culture itself. So much so, that in order to approximate its historical and anthropological significance, I, too, want to begin by referring to the epochal shift this challenge is precipitating as the end of “history.” Let me stress that by “history” (in quotes) I do not mean the human enterprise on this planet, but rather one particular phase of that enterprise. By “history” (in quotes) I mean the stage in human history (without quotes) during which collective and cathartic acts of violence could be counted on to bring a period of social chaos to an end and, in doing so, to convince its participants and sympathetic observers of the truth of the myth that justified the violence. Since such rituals of collective violence have played a key role in generating the social solidarity necessary for ordinary cultural life “since the foundation of the world,” the waning of their power confronts us with an anthropological dilemma of the first magnitude. And so I shall speak of it as the end of “history” in order to underscore its significance.
The irony, of course, is that this end of “history” is being brought about by the same moral force that gave rise to the specifically Western experience of history in the first place. In the West, due to the influence of the biblical tradition, the term “history” refers neither just to the recollection of events nor to the passage of time during which they occur. Rather it implies a journey toward truth. At its core, the Western sense of history assumes the gradual emergence of something that is both radically new and the fulfillment of what preceded it. Modernity’s now-defunct notions of inevitable social “evolution” or historical “progress” were shallow and insubstantial ones, but the principle they misconstrued and underestimated is at the heart of Western civilization, and its roots are biblical. For the West, history is the future as much as it is the past, but it is also the mental and spiritual atmosphere in which we think about our lives. “Western civilization has now spread all over the world,” wrote Lukacs “Neither the scientific method nor the professional study of history are any longer European and American intellectual monopolies. Yet historical consciousness is still something specifically ‘Western.’ As Lukacs and most other historians — both Western and non-Western — acknowledge, the West’s historical consciousness is inextricably bound up with the historicity of the Judeo-Christian tradition. “Christianity is not one of the great things of history,” wrote Henri de Lubac, “it is history that is one of the great things of Christianity.” The biblical sensibility that shaped Western cultures endowed them with a palpable sense that something new was happening in history and an insatiable curiosity for finding out what it was. Western historical consciousness is concerned not only with what actually happened in the past but also with trying to understand the direction history is taking and what forces are driving it. It is a worthy undertaking, and one which Girard’s work allows us to take up with new zest.
Apocalypse
“Man creates what he calls history as a screen to conceal the workings of the apocalypse from himself,” wrote the literary critic Northrop Frye. This is a stunning insight. It cries out to be paired with the observation that the Nazi experience tests the limits of what “history” can explain. It implies that “history” pays a price in return for its explanatory power. It suggests that “history” conceals something in order to illuminate everything else. It implies what Cesareo Bandera made explicit when he called attention to “what literal historical reality itself hides or disguises in order to constitute itself as such, as meaningful historical reality? In other words, what makes “meaningful historical reality” meaningful is the concealing of something that might rob it of its meaning were it not concealed. If “the Nazi experience tests the limits of what history can explain,” it is because the explanatory power of “history” begins and ends with its ability to explain away the victims and the violence vented against them.
Equally remarkable in Frye’s lapidary (vocab: characterized by an exactitude and extreme refinement that suggests gem cutting) statement is its implication that the end of “history” was inextricably bound up with the Bible, and that the biblical texts could not be fully comprehended if their apocalyptic features were neglected. Frye even went so far as to suggest that the “vision of the apocalypse is the vision of the total meaning of the Scriptures,” though he erred when he took the next step, asserting that apocalyptic destruction “is what the Scripture is intended to achieve.” On the contrary, what Scripture is intended to achieve is a conversion of the human heart that will allow humanity to dispense with organized violence without sliding into the abyss of uncontrollable violence, the apocalyptic abyss.
The word “apocalypse” means “unveiling.” ‘What, then, is veiled, the unveiling of which can have apocalyptic consequences? The answer is: violence. Veiled violence is violence whose religious or historical justifications still provide it with an aura of respectability and give it a moral and religious monopoly over any “unofficial” violence whose claim to “official” status it preempts. Unveiled violence is apocalyptic violence precisely because, once shorn of its religious and historical justifications, it cannot sufficiently distinguish itself from the counter-violence it opposes. Without benefit of religious and cultural privilege, violence simply does what unveiled violence always does: it incites more violence. In such situations, the scope of violence grows while the ability of its perpetrators to reclaim that religious and moral privilege diminishes. The reciprocities of violence and counter-violence threaten to spin completely out of control.
The weakness of Frye’s analysis was that he treated the apocalyptic phenomenon as though it were exclusively a literary or psychological one, and he ignored its historical and anthropological implications. The “vision of the apocalypse,” he wrote, “may break in on anyone at any time.” For Frye, the apocalypse was ultimately a vision forming in the mind or psyche of the reader. Of course, Frye was right to reject the notion of the apocalypse as a lurid prophesy of God’s final orgy of vengeance, but whether Frye’s alternative — a purely literary and psychological apocalypse — better accounts for either the biblical texts or the historical events is doubtful.
The other literary critic who has argued for the unique relevance of the biblical tradition for our troubled times is, of course, René Girard. Like Frye, Girard has insisted that the apocalyptic language of the Bible cannot and should not be dismissed. “Apocalyptic prophecy,” Girard argues, “means no more and no less than a rational anticipation of what men are likely to do to each other and to their environment, if they go on disregarding the Gospel’s warning against revenge in a desacralized and sacrificially unprotected world.” “The idea of ‘limitless’ violence, long scorned by sophisticated Westerners, suddenly looms up before us,” writes Girard. “For the first time,” he says, humanity faces “a perfectly straightforward and even scientifically calculable choice between total destruction and the total renunciation of violence.”
For Girard, however, it was not “history” that humanity created to screen the workings of the apocalypse from itself. It was religion — archaic religion — that came into being in the first instance, Girard has argued, with the sacralization of a spontaneous act of scapegoating violence. In other words, archaic religion is humanity’s astonishing instrument for turning murder and madness into a sacralized bulwark against madness and murder. More or less refined forms of this same recipe for generating social solidarity and lending it the requisite solemnity have played a part in cultural existence since the dawn of human culture. The social stability of these cultures was determined to a considerable degree by the success with which they were able to experience and interpret the violence which brought them into being as holy. And any given culture’s attempt to endow its scapegoating violence with religious sanction depends on the degree of unanimity the violence inspires, and unanimity requires that all empathy for the victim or victims of the violence be extinguished. To use Frye’s evocative imagery, the screen that we have used to conceal from ourselves the workings of the apocalypse is the screen that has kept us from recognizing the humanity of our victims and the truth about the violence inflicted on them.
The generic term for the systematic misrecognitions that have veiled the victim’s face and silenced the victim’s voice is “myth.” if we live at a moment in human history when “history” is no longer able to screen us from the apocalypse, no longer able to explain away the violence it documents, it is because in our day “history” is exhausting the last vestige of its mythological power. In the foreseeable future, neither religious mystification nor the solemn and quasi-religious causes of “history” will sufficiently veil our violence from our own eyes nor keep us from seeing the faces of our victims.
Disruptive Empathy
In those cultures under the gospel influence, moral misgivings about scapegoating or sacrificial violence gradually arose and almost imperceptibly became their driving cultural and historical thrust. These societies are conspicuous for the degree to which a demand for social reforms arose within them. This never-ending parade of social innovations and political correctives is the defining characteristic of Western civilization, and at its core lies the biblical sympathy for victims. The moral discomfort that led to such reforms is a symptom of the weakening of the sacrificial system and its justifying myths. No such moral misgivings arise when a culture’s sacrificial mechanisms are operating with their original mystifying power. On the other hand, the very act of undertaking moral reforms has the effect of further awakening the moral acuity that led to the demand for reforms in the first place. In other words, the social reforms to which the empathy for victims gives rise have a progressively destabilizing effect on culture, arousing an empathy for the culture’s victims, bringing the plight of victims and the fact of victimization into sharper focus, undermining the moral legitimacy of the culture’s sacrificial rituals for restoring social solidarity, and insuring that eventually the reformed system will arouse more moral misgivings in later generations than did the unreformed system in earlier periods. The result of this, of course, is that new reforms will be required, and their implementation will have the same effect. As the modern world is finding out to its dismay, the process is inexorable.
Perhaps the first modern to sense the full significance of the empathy for victims the gospel revelation was awakening was Friedrich Nietzsche, the German philosopher who has had such an enormous impact on our time. He reacted with horror as he saw moral authority shifting from the powerful to the weak, the downtrodden, and the outcast. The West was becoming ambivalent about performing cultural routines that involved no moral dilemma for societies not under the influence of the gospel tradition. As Nietzsche saw so well, this cultural equivocation was a product of Christianity. “I condemn Christianity.” he declared, “I raise against the Christian church the most terrible of all accusations that any accuser ever uttered…The Christian church has left nothing untouched by its corruption…The “equality of souls before God,” this falsehood, this pretext for the rancor of all the base-minded, this explosive of a concept which eventually became revolution, modern idea, and the principle of decline of the whole order of society — is Christian dynamite.
In his characteristically truculent way, Nietzsche recognized how the Gospels were awakening an empathy for victims and outcasts, and he was appalled by what he felt that empathy was doing to the ancient heroic virtues. He condemned Christianity as a religion of pity. “Christianity has sided with all that is weak and base,” Nietzsche wrote in The Antichrist. “Pity stands opposed to the tonic emotions which heighten our vita1ity~” he inveighed. “We are deprived of strength when we feel pity. .. . Some have dared to call pity a virtue (in every noble ethic it is considered a weakness); and as if this were not enough, it has been made the virtue, the basis and source of all virtues.”~
Nietzsche’s contempt for the idea of the conscience and its moral pangs, on one hand, and his romance with “the will to power,” on the other, are two aspects of one of his most brilliant and sinister realizations. Nietzsche understood that violence and sacrificial bloodletting had always been a part of humanity’s cultural existence. It was his realization that the world no longer had myths capable of endowing these bloody rituals with moral respectability that led him to oppose the “conscience” that harbored the moral misgivings, and to castigate Christianity for bringing this “conscience” into being. He proposed to replace it with a will-to-power that would carry out its sacrificial duties, moral qualms notwithstanding.
It was both perfectly natural and poetically brilliant for Auden, in his Christmas oratorio, to place a variation of Nietzsche’s tirade on Christian pity into the mouth of Herod. Like Nietzsche, Auden’s Herod recoils from the thought of a world in which pity — for Nietzsche the Christian virtue — would replace Roman justice. “Pity” is hardly the Christian virtue, but at least in terms of its historical effects, empathy for victims is Christianity’s cardinal virtue. This is so, not because Christianity is solely or even primarily concerned with making social or political improvements, but because it carries to its conclusion the biblical aversion for idolatry, and because idolatry’s core illusion — humanity’s oldest and most tenacious illusion — is the one that makes victimizers proud of what they’ve done. All human delusions lead to, or flow from, that one. Biblical revelation, especially the New Testament story of the crucifixion, challenges that primary illusion. It invites those it confronts to see scapegoating violence for what it is and to recognize their own complicity in it. By acclaiming the victim as Lord, the Gospels slowly begin to awaken an empathy for victims everywhere.
Again, this does not mean the world became, or is becoming, suddenly more virtuous, or that we have been cured of our scapegoating predilections. Rather it means that increasingly we can only lustily vent our violence against victims whom we can confidently regard as victimizers. Today, what is often called the “culture wars” is a struggle over which political or ideological or intellectual or religious camp can best claim to have been victimized in the past, or to have championed the cause of victims and outcasts, or to be the rightful heirs of those who did. In his Time magazine essay, Hughes alluded to this contest when he discussed the controversy, typical of so many, between those who laud and those who scorn the landing of Columbus in the Americas. Was Columbus, Hughes asked, “Manifest Destiny in tights” or a “Hitler in a caravel, landing like a virus among the innocent people of the New World?” In a marvelous phrase, Hughes described the historians on either side of this debate standing “with tarbrush and gold leaf,” ready to vilify and valorize according to which myth they choose to champion.
Tarbrush and Gold Leaf
As I will try to show in more detail in a later chapter, human culture as we know it begins when an act of unanimous violence brings the violence that preceded it to an end in such a breathtaking way that it gives birth to primitive religion. Myth remembers this strange event and its dramatic resolution from the point of view of those who derived social benefits from it, namely, those who discovered their first social solidarity when they joined in the common cause of expelling or eliminating their scapegoat. Myth camouflages the violence and recalls it in ways that make it seem valiant and divinely ordained. Here, as hereafter, I use the term “myth,” neither as a synonym for fiction nor as the pure figment of the primitive imagination. Rather I use “myth” to refer to a special combination of fact and fantasy, one that tells of an actual to-lent event, but that tells of it from the perspective of the society which benefited from the violence and that therefore veils and vindicates the actual violence. All mythological pictures of the world are painted with tarbrush and gold leaf, but no one in a society where the mythological system is still functioning is aware that any such tampering with the facts has taken place. Primitive peoples were not hypocrites. Once the myth can no longer effectively veil the reality of the violence — as is the case in cultures that have fallen under biblical influence — then even the culture’s solemnly sanctioned violence becomes morally problematic, and the moral authority of the culture is undermined.
Myth is like a stone that has been tossed by innumerable waves of the sea and that now lies glistening in the surf. Those who live in cultures still under the sway of such myths know better than to pick it up and examine it. As we in the West are now realizing, if you pick the stone up, scrutinize it, and put it in your pocket, it loses its luster. It looks like so many other stones. To understand why it shimmers in the surf is to realize how circumstantial is its mesmerizing power. When that power begins to wane, as it has in our world, we turn almost instinctively to gold leaf and the tarbrush in an effort to restore luster to our myths and righteousness to our causes, extending thereby for a little while longer our “ceremony of innocence.” As skillfully as partisans and propagandists have often applied the tarbrush and gold leaf, however, their task has been profoundly complicated by the fact that as the moral valence has shifted in the victim’s favor, the social distinction the gold leaf is meant to bestow has tended to be reserved almost exclusively for the past victims of the tarbrush. To be sure, few are eager to be tarbrushed, but to have been tarbrushed is to enjoy a social status that buckets of gold leaf could not hope to bestow. All of this is part of what Lance Morrow called the surreal confusion of the world in which we now live. The quirkiness and perversity aside, what is underway is the most astonishing reversal of values in human history. Today the victim occupies the moral high ground everywhere in the Western world. The cultural and historical force that caused this reversal is the gospel. Nietzsche was right at least about that.









