Archive for March, 2010

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Losing Faith: The ‘Post-Christian’ Civilization

March 17, 2010
 
 

Lisbon 1755

Reading selections from David Bentley Hart’s The Story of Christianity that focus on the decline of Christianity and the rise of secularism.

It was in the 17th and 18th centuries that Europe began clearly to become a ‘post-Christian’ civilization. It was a period not only during which the Church as an institution began to lose much of its political power and social influence, but during which many persons — educated and uneducated alike — began more openly to reject the Christian story and to adopt alternate narratives of reality.

In some cases, this shift of attitude meant the embrace of a ‘rational’ theism or ‘Deism’, shorn (so its adherents believed) of the absurd tangle of superstition and metaphysical obscurantism that made the old faith incredible to them. In other, rarer cases, however, it meant the total rejection of all faith in transcendent reality.

Deists And Metaphysical Optimists
Beginning as early as the mid-16th century, ‘Deism’ was a style of religious philosophy that enjoyed its greatest vogue from the early 17th to the late 18th centuries. It varied in form, but its content was fairly uniform: it was an attempt at a ‘natural’ or ‘rational’ religion, common to all nations and cultures, available to all reflective minds without recourse to childish mythologies, ‘revealed’ truth, miracles or abstruse metaphysical systems. The ‘Bible of Deism’ was Christianity as Old as the Creation (first edition 1730) by Matthew Tindal (1657-1733); but the ‘father’ of the movement was Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1583-1648), and it was he who first enunciated its general principles: belief in a supreme being who created the cosmos, who is a moral being, who is worthy of our reverence, who requires moral goodness of us all and who assigns rewards and punishments to human souls. Not all Deists retained Lord Herbert’s belief in the immortal soul, hut most did; and all shared his certainty that this sort of ‘reasonable faith’ was the true form of religion before its degeneration into cult, superstition and intolerance.

Deist writers tended to imagine God principally as the designer of nature, and sought evidences of his existence in the intricacy and regularity of nature’s laws, and reserved a special antipathy for any form of religion that involved belief in God’s miraculous interventions in the operation of those laws. One of the principal intellectual projects of developed Deism, in fact, was the elaboration of theodicy’ — that is, the attempt to defend the justice of God in light of the sufferings of his creatures — meant to demonstrate the impossibility of a created order governed by uniform natural laws that does not involve chance, catastrophe, pain and moral evil; and hence to prove that ours is the best of all possible worlds. This sort of ‘metaphysical optimism’ was a tremendous fashion in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, and became the common intellectual currency even of many traditional Christians; it was given especially sophisticated metaphysical form, for instance, by the Lutheran philosopher G.W Leibniz (1646-1716). Again, though, Deism was not a single creed, and its elements varied. One could, for example, number among its French adherents the satirist and public philosopher Voltaire (1694-1778), than whom no one was more censorious of ‘metaphysical optimism’.

By the latter half of the 18th century Deism was perhaps the most respectable religious philosophy among the educated classes of England, Germany, France and North America; it was the system of belief favored by — to choose a few notable examples –Thomas Paine (1737-1809), Benjamin Franklin (1706-90), and Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826). Soon, however, the fashion would fade, defeated in part by the devastating assaults upon the argument for God’s existence from cosmic design mounted by David Hume (1711-76) and others, and in part by Deism’s own inherent blandness; and what vestiges of Deism remained were swept away in the 19th century by the rise of Darwinism.

Atheists And Revolutionaries
The rise and fall of Deism was part of that larger cultural movement traditionally called the ‘Enlightenment’, the chief tenet of which was that human reason possesses the power not only to penetrate to the natural laws underlying the world, but to determine the nature of a just society, to advance the cause of human freedom, to discover the rational basis of morality and to instill moral behavior in individuals and nations. And though there were many fairly orthodox Christians who shared the aims of the Enlightenment, the general tendency of those who held to the ideal implicit in this ‘new awakening of reason’ was either towards a more ‘rational’ religion, or towards an even more ‘rational’ irreligion.

Voltaire and The Disaster Of Lisbon
Voltaire’s most passionate and most eloquent assault on the arguments of those such as Leibniz) who thought this the best of all possible worlds was his great Poem On The Disaster Of Lisbon, written soon after that city — the resplendent capital of the Portuguese empire was devastated by a massive earthquake on ALL Saints’ Day (1 November) 1755.

The quake struck just off share, in three discrete shocks, with what is now estimated as a Richter force of 9.0. As it was Sunday morning, and a. Feast Day, most people were in church. In a matter of moments, thousands were killed, crushed beneath collapsing buildings, or swallowed by the crevices that opened in the streets; soon thereafter, many more — including the invalid patients of the city’s great hospital — perished in the fires that raged through the city; and many thousands more who had fled to the mouth of the River Tagus and to the shore to escape the catastrophe were killed by the enormous tsunamis that reached land half an hoar later. At least 60,000 died in the city; and many thousands more were killed by the waters in North Africa, Spain and the Algarve.

Voltaire was a theist but of a rather austere variety. He may not have been convinced by the Christian idea that creation has been corrupted by the fall of rational creatures, but he was quite certain that the cosmos does not reflect a morally or metaphysically necessary order. In his poem he disdainfully dismisses the notion that the world is governed by a universal law in place to assure the greatest possible good for the greatest possible number of persons. He asks by what moral calculus we can reconcile ourselves to infants crushed upon their mother’s breasts, thousand devoured by the earth, thousands more slowly expiring in their broken bodies or buried alive beneath their fallen roofs all crying out in torment. Was this, he asks, some vengeance on the city’s iniquities? Was Lisbon more wicked than other cities, were the children who died there guilty of some crime? And would the natural and moral order of the universe have somehow been worse had the city not been engulfed in this ‘hellish abyss’? Does the cosmos become morally beautiful if we imagine that some sort of ‘general happiness’ is somehow mysteriously preserved by this fatal chasm of individual miseries’?

Immanuel Kant
The greatest thinker of the time to retain the idea of God — but then only as a deduction of reason — was Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), who argued forcefully against traditional metaphysics, but who believed that God and the soul were necessary postulates of the ‘metaphysics of morals’ (though, one must add, Kant’s moral philosophy depends upon no supernatural premises). Others, though, believed that true enlightenment was possible for mankind only if every concept of God was rejected, as an irrational superaddition to the evidences of experience, and only if all religion was repudiated, as a system of fanciful deceptions, invented principally by priests for their own benefit. Paul-Henri Thiri, Baron d’Holbach (1723-89). for instance — most especially in his 1770 book The System of Nature – argued that all religion is the work of ignorance and dread, exploited by tyranny, that reality consists in nothing more than matter in motion, and that the conventions of morality are simply- that, and ought where they interfere with the happiness of the individual to he abandoned. Denis Diderot (1713-84), an equally fervent (and more brilliantly insightful) materialist, famously declared that ‘Never shall man be free until the last king has been strangled with the entrails of the last priest’.

Such sentiments, if they are in any way amusing, remain so) only until someone takes them literally; and among the more radical political champions of a ‘progressive’ or ‘enlightened’ social revolution there were many disposed to do just that. It was natural, of course, for the society that emerged from the French Revolution of 1789 and after to include a certain powerful tendency towards anti-clericalism, given how closely the Roman Catholic Church in France — for all intents and purposes, little more than a Gallican establishment — had been associated with the interests of the ancien régime. But the revolutionary government of 1793 to 1794, which instituted the ‘reign of Terror’, and which was administered according to the ‘ideals’ of the radical Jacobin Club, nor only closed the churches in Paris, and forbade most public worship and the display of the cross, but directly participated in the murder of hundreds or perhaps thousands ‘non-juring’ priests (that is, priests who would not vow allegiance to the new government), bishops and nuns. Massacres, rigged trials and summary executions were routine; and, throughout the country, the killing was often accompanied by one or another sadistic mockery of the beliefs of the victims — for instance, the rite of ‘republican matrimony’, which consisted in tying a naked priest to a naked nun and drowning them together in a lake or pool. Even after the Terror had subsided, the persecution of Catholic clergy continued, ending only when the revolutionary regime itself was replaced by the rule of Napoleon (1769-1821), who in 1801 signed a Concordat with Rome restoring (limited) liberties to the Church in France.

However, a pattern had been established that other ‘utopian’ revolutionary movements of later years would repeat, on an ever greater scale: a radical hostility to religion, emphasized by mass murder.

The Nineteenth Century: A Time Of Radical Doubt
By the end of the 19th century, the decline of Christianity in Western Europe that began in the early modern period seemed irreversible, and had come moreover to be regarded by many as representing the natural course of history, for all of humanity. The educated classes of the continent had more and more detached themselves from the faith of their ancestors, and atheism had even begun to acquire the kind of quiet respectability in some circles it bad never enjoyed in any previous age. To some, the decline of Christianity was a cause for rejoicing; to others, it was simply a cultural fact, probably to be rued. Whatever the case, a great many thought they could foresee a time when religion would vanish entirely.

Elegies For Faith
Throughout the 19th century; of course, the vast majority of Europeans were not only nominal Christians, but in all likelihood believers of some variety or another. In absolute numbers, skeptics and unbelievers constituted a distinct minority; but they were an increasingly public minority; and their explicit rejection of received belief was in many ways symptomatic of a more general loosening of traditional Christianity’s hold over the imagination of Western culture.

The causes of this larger cultural movement are impossible to isolate with any certainty: No doubt some were material, some intellectual, some social and some more or less unquantifiable. In part, the rise of a literate middle class in an age of discovery had created a culture in which differing ‘narratives of reality’ naturally multiplied. In part, the early modem disintegration of Christendom into often irreconcilable versions of Christianity had served to make all dogmatic claims seem somewhat less credible. And, in part, a general (if not necessarily logical) sense that the modern scientific picture of the universe was somehow irreconcilable with Christian doctrine began to take hold. But the phenomenon of ‘secularization’ has no single explanation.

Many reflective observers of the time — even many who were themselves no longer believers — wrote of the new reality in distinctly elegiac tones, aware that with the departure of faith, much of what had in the past given form and meaning to existence, and had provided hope and solace to those most in need of these things, had also disappeared, and aware also that the moral nature of a society devoid of religious belief might not necessarily be something in which one could vest much confidence. The most famous expression of ‘wistful unbelief’ was ‘Dover Beach’, the 1867 poem by Matthew Arnold (1822-88), with its imagery of the ‘melancholy, long, withdrawing roar’ of the ‘sea of faith’, and of a world devoid of joy, love, light, certitude, peace or help for pain, in which the poet descries only ‘a darkling plain! Swept with confused alarms of struggle and flight/Where ignorant armies clash by night’. Less known, however (deservedly, perhaps), is the poem ‘God’s Funeral’ by Thomas Hardy (1840-1928), written around 1908, which describes a vision of a funeral cortege upon a ‘twilit plain’, bearing the ‘mystic form’ of the dead God away: a procession in which, as it progresses, more and more mourners join. The poet confesses his own sorrow over the loss of something he too once had prized, and speaks longingly of those times long past when one began the day ‘with trustful prayer’ and ended it in assurance of God’s presence. Now ‘who or what shall fill his place?’ And, says Hardy, ‘how to bear such loss I deemed! The insistent question for each animate mind’.

Nature Red In Tooth And Claw
Without question, no greater blow was struck against conventional religious belief in the 19th century than the 1839 publication of The Origin of Species, in which Charles Darwin for the first time publicly unfolded the concept of special evolution, as something accomplished over vast periods of time by fortunate mutation and natural selection. Though Darwin did not there discuss the evolution of humanity the implications of his thought were obvious; and those implications became explicit with the 1871 publication of The Descent of Man.

To the most literalist readers of scripture, of course, Darwin’s ideas were scandalous simply because they contradicted the creation story of Genesis; but the ancient Christian practice of reading that story allegorically had never died out in Christian culture, and there were many 19th-century Christians who found the idea of special evolution entirely inoffensive. One of Darwin’s earliest and most vigorous champions, the extremely accomplished American botanist Asa Gray (1810-88), was a devout Christian who saw such evolution as a manifestation of God’s creative power in the fabric of nature. The true challenge Darwin’s books posed to the Christian vision of reality was not so much one of logic as one of sensibility: it was not so much the idea of evolution as such, but that of the mechanism of natural selection, that seemed to exercise a corrosive effect upon the power of the imagination to see the world in a Christian light. Darwin’s argument summoned up before the mind of his society an image of the world as a reality governed at once by heartless necessity and mindless chance, shaped by countless epochs of death, and struggle, and blind striving. Could such a world have been created by the Christian God?

Masters Of Suspicion
In truth, the 19th century gave birth to all the great schools of post-religious’ or materialist’ thought that have either explicitly or invisibly formed late modern culture at its deepest levels: the most notable of these being modern psychology and modern social theory Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) was, of course, the most important figure for the development of the former, and though his reputation has perhaps declined somewhat in recent years, the ‘mythos’ of human consciousness created by him remains very much intact. For Freud, the self is — rather than a soul with an eternal nature — a complex amalgam of biological and social impulses, many of them quite ‘Darwinian’ in their primal mechanisms, and the conscious mind is only the surface of the ‘unconscious’, where hidden, largely irrational impulses, repressed desires, secret resentments, tacit memories and conflicting sexual urges reside. Freud, moreover, firmly believed that, as science advanced, and as the science of the mind progressively defeated supernatural thinking, the ‘illusion’ of religion — whose origin he ascribed in large measure to the human fear of death — would melt away

Of all the theorists of 19th century Europe who attempted to construct a vision of the social or political good in unambiguously materialist terms, obviously none was niore influential than Karl Marx (1818-83), the father of a somewhat heterodox form of revolutionary socialism. Marx’s reputation has also suffered considerably over the past century; but, again, his vision of politics, culture and society as creations of a ‘material dialectic’, and of history as driven almost exclusively by class struggle and economic motives, profoundly affected the thought even of many of his detractors. And, if nothing else, the 20th century demonstrated the enormous power of his sort of atheist utopianism radically to transform (and often to destroy) whole societies.

Another school of social theory that attached itself to socialist economics and ‘progressive’ thought at the end of the 19th century — with worse than tragic consequences — was that of eugenics. Its principles were first clearly enunciated in the 1860s by Sir Francis Galton (1822-1911), and its aims were shared by many of the most ‘enlightened’ minds of the late 19th and early 20th centuries including, it seems, Darwin himself. Many who embraced this movement believed they were simply drawing the conclusions dictated by Darwinian science: if they reasoned, natural selection is the mechanism by which a species thrives and improves, then civilization should not be allowed to retard this process among human beings, and carriers of hereditary defects, as well as those who are racially, morally or mentally ‘inferior,’ should ideally be prevented from reproducing. Of course, logically speaking, to mistake Darwinian biology for a moral imperative is rather absurd; but the eugenic premise was widely accepted by liberal-minded individuals and states for decades. ln the early 20th century, many of the traditionally Protestant countries of Europe, as well as the USA, Canada and Australia, admitted certain eugenic principles into law And it was not unusual to read an idealistic socialist like H. G.Wells (1866-1946) calmly predicting a day when entire races would have to be exterminated for the good of the species.

Western society was on the verge of discovering that a radical materialism could breed horrors far greater than even the worst religious fanaticism.

Friedrich Nietzsche: The Prophet of AntiChrist
In the writings of no other thinker of the 19th century did the voice of unbelief reach so pure and piercing a pitch as in those of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), the brilliant classicist, philologist and philosopher.

Nietzsche was the most coherent interpreter of faith’s decline, the most uncompromising advocate of a post-religious ethos, and the most vehemently anti-Christian philosopher of his or any era. He believed that the triumph of Christianity had been a catastrophe for Western humanity one that had elevated the slavish and resentful values of the weak and ill- -constituted over the noble, life-affirming and healthy virtues of the strong and guileless. He also thought that Christi n tales of heavenly reality had drained the earth of meaning, that the ‘moral’ distinction between good and evil was a perversion of human values, and that the gospel’s concern for the frail and meek, and its cult of pity, had poisoned the wellsprings of human nature. He did not hesitate to speak of himself as an ‘antichrist.

Nietzsche was not, however, entirely sanguine in his prognostications for a future without God. He feared that, in the absence of any higher aspiration, humanity might degenerate into those he called the ‘Last Men’ (die Jetzten Menschen), an insect-like race of vapid narcissists, sunk in petty satisfactions. But he hoped that humanity might rouse itself from the stupor induced by two millennia of Christianity to will ‘that which is beyond the merely human’: the ‘Overman’ (der Ubermensch), that inspiring but indefinable hero or artist or leader to whose advent humanity might yet aspire, if it still had the strength to affirm earthly life rather than succumb to an ultimate nihilism.

In a famous passage from The Gay Science  (1882) Nietzsche relates the fable of a madman who comes into a city to announce the ‘death of God’ that is, the end of human faith in the transcendent: an event of such immense significance that the very horizons of our world have been ‘sponged away’. But no one knows what to make of his words. Even those who have ceased to believe in God cannot understand how momentous his message is. So the madman leaves, knowing that it may be centuries before humanity grasps what the death of God has meant: what an utter revision of all values it must bring about, and how utterly it will transform all things human.

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G. K. Chesterton: Regarding Dogma — The Key in the Lock

March 16, 2010

A chapter from David Fagerberg’s “The Size of Chesterton’s Catholicism that takes up Chesterton’s defense of dogma and doctrine. Most regard obedience to Church dogma as a negative (is it because dogmatic is derived from dogma?) but Chesterton shows dogma makes us more free and is a way of thinking. Doctrines are comple, Chesterton argues in the way a key is complex; they are vital in the sense of life-producing and life-protecting; they show a map to the mind which maintains by conviction what is otherwise maintained only by custom; and he says that doctrinal complexity, while single-minded, does not suffer the narrow-mindedness which cleaves revelation from reason and science. Fagerberg liberally uses quotes from Chesterton and brings together material from several different sources.

The images one uses to think about a thing will condition the way one thinks about that thing, because thought is facilitated by imagination. Chesterton’s mind is very imaginative, and his paradoxes enjoy upending – normal expectations, but his thoughts always express his experience. and he experiences doctrine as liberating rather than confining, vivifying instead of asphyxiating, brightening and not darkening the world. Therefore, he goes against the grain and defends doctrine on the grounds that it makes us more free to think and act, not less. Doctrine is a way of thinking, and for Chesterton thought is a way of accomplishing something. “When things will not work, you must have the thinker, the man who has some doctrine about why they work at all. It is wrong to fiddle while Rome is burning; but it is quite right to study the theory of hydraulics while Rome is burning.” Chesterton is first in line to volunteer to consider the very practical, useful, functional discipline of theorizing. “I perceive that it is far more practical to begin at the beginning and discuss theories…I for one have come to believe in going back to fundamentals.” He claims to revert to the doctrinal methods of the thirteenth century, inspired by “the general hope of getting something done” and provides a parable to defend his choice.

Suppose a great a commotion arises in the street about something, let us say a lamp post, which many influential persons desire to pull down. A greyclad monk, who is the spirit of the Middle Ages, is approached upon the matter, and begins to say, in the arid manner of the Schoolmen, “Let us first of all consider, my brethren, the value of Light. If Light be in itself good …” At this point he is somewhat excusably knocked down. All the people make a rush for the lamp post, the lamp post is down in ten minutes, and they go about congratulating each other on their unmedieaval practicality. But as things go on they do not work out so easily. Some people have pulled the lamp-post down because they wanted the electric light; some because they wanted old iron; some because they wanted darkness, because their deeds were evil. Some thought it not enough of a lamp post, some too much; some acted because they wanted to smash municipal machinery; some because they wanted to smash something. And there is war in the night, no man knowing whom he strikes. So, gradually and inevitably, today, tomorrow, or the next day, there comes back the conviction that the monk was right after all, and that all depends on what is the philosophy of Light. Only what we might have discussed under the gas lamp, we now must discuss in the dark.
from Heretics

The size of the faith which Chesterton is circumscribing is sufficient to accommodate both practical religion, whose primary mode is not analysis, and doctrinal complexity, whose primary mode is. Though the sausage seller may practice the creed simply, the creed which he practices is not simple; it is a complex thing, composed of many parts, and to grasp it in its fullness has required a considerable amount of intellectual effort over a considerable number of centuries.

Thus the history of doctrine. Not everyone must perform this task (one of the advantages of belonging to a cooperative like the Church), but someone must perform this task, because “common things are never commonplace. And in the last analysis most common things will be found to be highly complicated.” Chesterton ridicules the stratagem of reduction as a means of avoiding complicated analysis. “Some men of science do indeed get over the difficulty by dealing only with the easy part of it: thus, they will call first love the instinct of sex, and the awe of death the instinct of self preservation. But this is only getting over the difficulty of describing peacock green by calling it blue. There is blue in it.” The reductionist strategy of naming only one component of the complex is but a variant of the heretical procedure of doing injustice by decrementalism. Chesterton would have us widen our vision.

A thing can be said to be communal not only by virtue of being shared, but also by virtue of possessing multiple facets: like white light is a communion of colors. Although naming a rainbow “blue” is not false, because there is blue in it, this does not yet name the whole composite.

Catholicism is a community of beliefs, simple in the sense that it is accessible to the average person, but complex in the sense that it is not monochromatic. Therefore, Chesterton takes the charge that Catholicism is complex as a compliment. Against the feeling in his day that the heartfelt and intuitive religion of the Galilean is superior to complicated Roman creeds, Chesterton crows: “When once one believes in a creed, one is proud of its complexity, as scientists are proud of the complexity of science. It shows how rich it is in discoveries. If it is right at all, it is a compliment to say that it’s elaborately right.

Four images will be noted by which Chesterton argues against doctrinal pointillism in favor of Catholic complexity: a key, vitality, a map, and single-mindedness. In other words, he says that doctrines are complex in the way a key is complex; that they are vital in the sense of life-producing and life-protecting; that they show a map to the mind which maintains by conviction what is otherwise maintained only by custom; and he says that doctrinal complexity, while single-minded, does not suffer the narrow-mindedness which cleaves revelation from reason and science.

First, we have already seen that Chesterton described his journey to orthodoxy as a sailor whose attempted excursion to an uncharted island ultimately landed him upon a completely mapped shore. His point of embarkation was not a church catechism but a Dionysian love of the world which nonetheless felt a pang of despair. He describes the final moment of anchorage thus:

And then followed an experience impossible to describe. It was as if I had been blundering about since my birth with two huge and unmanageable machines, of different shapes and without apparent connection — the world and the Christian tradition. I had found this hole in the world: the fact that one must somehow find a way of loving the world without trusting it; somehow one must love the world without being worldly. I found this projecting feature of Christian theology, like a sort of hard spike, the dogmatic insistence that God was personal, and had made a world separate from Himself The spike of dogma fitted exactly into the hole in the world — it had evidently been meant to go there — and then the strange things began to happen. When once these two parts of the two machines had come together, one after another, all the other parts fitted and fell in with an eerie exactitude. I could hear bolt after bolt over all the machinery falling into its place with a kind of click of relief . . . Instinct after instinct was answered by doctrine after doctrine.
from Orthodoxy

Chesterton returns often to the image of the dogmatic key fitting exactly into the world’s cavity, not only to affirm that Church doctrines fit the circumstances encountered in life, but also to suggest that only a complex key could fit a circumstance as complex as existence. “A stick might fit a hole or a stone or a hollow by accident. But a key and a lock are both complex. And if a key fits a lock, you know it is the right key.”

Of course, Catholics do not “worship a key”; the key’s value is in unlocking a door. And the early Christian “was very precisely a person carrying about a key, or what he said was a key. The whole Christian movement consisted in claiming to possess that key.” Chesterton explicitly enumerates the three characteristics possessed by a key which drew him to image a creed in this way. First, “a key is above all things a thing with a shape,” and its value to us, as well as its own integrity, “depends entirely upon keeping its shape.” Second, “the shape of a key is in itself a rather fantastic shape.”

A savage who did not know it was a key would have the greatest difficulty in guessing what it could possibly be. And it is fantastic because it is in a sense arbitrary. A key is not a matter of abstractions; in that sense a key is not a matter of argument. It either fits the lock or it does not. It is useless for men to stand disputing over it, considered by itself; or reconstructing it on pure principles of geometry or decorative art. It is senseless for a man to say he would like a simpler key; it would be far more sensible to do his best with a crowbar. And thirdly, as the key is necessarily a thing with a pattern, so this was one having in some ways a rather elaborate pattern. When people complain of the religion being so early complicated with theology and things of the kind, they forget that the world had not only got into a hole, but had got into a whole maze of holes and corners…If the faith had faced the world only with the platitudes and peace and simplicity some moralists would confine it to, it would not have had the faintest effect on that luxurious and labyrinthine lunatic asylum. . . . There was undoubtedly much about the key that seemed complex; indeed there was only one thing about it that was simple. It opened the door.
from The Everlasting Man

The image influences how one thinks about a thing, and Chesterton thinks of Christianity as something which came at the ancient world (or ours, too) not with the deconstructive force of a battering ram, but with the effectiveness of a key. The tool for opening the door is small, smaller than a crowbar, but it is sufficient because the shape of the key was made by the locksmith who fashioned the lock. We may open the world — if we have the key. Christianity is not, then, locked in an eternal, antagonistic struggle with the world. Christianity is the one thing which will permit the wonders of the world to open to us if only we would be directed to where the struggle really belongs, namely, the heart. The pagan has the right instinct in being drawn to the world, which is why the pagan could find the incarnate Christ; but when the pagan set out to enjoy himself, he soon found he could enjoy nothing else. The key to enjoying the world was lacking.

The complexity of the key permits Chesterton to accent the givenness of the creed, affirming that it is God’s revelation and not our construction, and at the same time permits him to account for the complexity of doctrine, which does bear the mark of the human mind.

Man can be defined as an animal that makes dogmas. As he piles doctrine on doctrine and conclusion on conclusion in the formation of some tremendous scheme of philosophy and religion, he is, in the only legitimate sense of which the expression is capable, becoming more and more human. When he drops one doctrine after another in a refined skepticism, when he declines to tie himself to a system, when he says that he has outgrown definitions, when he says that he disbelieves in finality, when, in his own imagination, he sits as God, holding no form of creed by contemplating all, then he is by that very process sinking slowly backwards into the vagueness of the vagrant animals and the unconscious of the grass. Trees have no dogmas. Turnips are singularly broad-minded.
from The Everlasting Man

Doctrines are not puzzles we must figure out before God will let us occupy heaven. They’re the product of a mind gifted by grace and commanded to figure out how on earth to be happy. Both faith and morality require thoughtfulness, a simplistic creed is inapt for nature faith “To say with the optimists that God is good, and therefore everything is good; or with the universalists that God is Love, and therefore everything is love; or with the Christian Scientists that God is Spirit, and therefore everything is spirit; or, for that matter, with the pessimists that God is cruel, and therefore every’ thing is a beastly shame; to say any of these things is to make a remark to which it is difficult to make any reply, except ‘Oh’; or possibly, in a rather feeble fashion, ‘Well, well.’ The statement is certainly, in one sense, very complete; possibly a little too complete; and we find ourselves wishing it were a little more complex.” Catholic complexity attempts to hold “the complete philosophy which keeps a man sane; and not some single fragment of it…Those who tried to make the Faith more simple invariably made it less sane.”

In the past century we have had our share of simple religions, Chesterton contends, each trying “to be more simple than the last. And the manifest mark of all these simplifications was, not only that they were finally sterile, but that they were very rapidly stale. A man had said the last word about them when he had said the first.”

Chesterton points out the inconsistency of desiring to keep the divine science in a retarded state even though we acknowledge the advantage of being deliberative in other departments of life. There appeared in the news’ papers of his day a cry for religion to be simplified, discarding both ritual and theology in favor of simple morality, in order to propound only loving one another, and the golden rule, and so forth, “as if the moral problem of man were perfectly simple” and one could address that problem without “long technical words, and talking about senseless ceremonies.” Chesterton counters:

It is exactly as if somebody were to say about the science of medicine: “All I ask is Health; what could be simpler than the beautiful gift of Health? Why not be content to enjoy for ever the glow of youth and the fresh enjoyment of being fit? Why study dry and dismal sciences of anatomy and physiology; why inquire about the whereabouts of obscure organs in the human body? Why pedantically distinguish between what is labelled a poison and what is labelled an antidote, when it is so simple to enjoy Health Why worry with a minute exactitude about the number of drops of laudanum or the strength of a dose of chloral (vocab: a sedative) , when it is so nice to be healthy? Away with your priestly apparatus of stethoscopes and clinical thermometers; with your ritualistic mummery of feeling pulses, putting out tongues, examining teeth, and the rest!

The god Aesculapius came on earth solely to inform us that Life is on the whole preferable to Death; and this thought will console many dying persons unattended by doctors.” The elementary love of the fishermen who left their beats to follow their Lord round the shores of Galilee was adequate to found the divine society, I but would rudimentary doctrine and discipline be adequate for a Church rigged to sail to every corner of the world with the key to transfigure every philosophy and every civilization? “Quite apart from the theory of a Church, if Christ had remained on earth for an indefinite time, trying to induce men to love one another, He would have found it necessary to have some tests, some methods, some way of dividing true love from false love, some way of distinguishing between tendencies that would ruin love and tendencies that would restore it. You cannot make a success of anything, even loving, entirely without thinking.”
from The Thing: Why I am a Catholic

A second image Chesterton uses to think about doctrine is vitality, meant both in the sense that doctrines are vitally important and in the sense that doctrines are animated, living, vital things themselves. We earlier saw Chesterton’s opinion that one cannot make a success of asceticism with’ out the controlling pressure of a creed because it is dogma that keeps asceticism from vilifying the body when it vivifies the spirit. It is no less true that a success cannot be made of mysticism without ecclesiastical and theological pressure. “Nothing on earth needs to be organized so much as Mysticism. You say that man tends naturally to religion; he does indeed; often in the form of human sacrifice of the temples of Sodom. Almost all extreme evil of that kind is mystical. The only way of keeping it healthy is to have some rules, some responsibilities, some definitions of dogma and moral function.” Neither can one make a success of human culture without debating the boundary lines. Creeds and doctrines identify the pressure points on the fault line, and though the points are minor, intellectual shifts can be seismic.

It is exactly this which explains the monstrous wars about small points of theology, the earthquakes of emotion about a gesture or a word. It is only a matter of an inch; but an inch is everything when you are balancing. The Church could not afford to swerve a hair’s breadth on some things if she was to continue her great and daring experiment of the irregular equilibrium. Once let one idea become less powerful and some other idea would become too powerful. It was no flock of sheep the Christian shepherd was leading, but a herd of bulls and tigers, of terrible ideals and devouring doctrines, each one of them strong enough to turn to a false religion and lay waste the world. Remember that the Church went in specifically for dangerous ideas; she was a lion tamer. The idea of birth through a Holy Spirit, of the death of a divine being, of the forgiveness of sins, or the fulfillment of prophecies, are ideas which, any one can see, need but a touch to turn them into something blasphemous or ferocious. . . . If some small mistake were made in doctrine, huge blunders might be made in human happiness. A sentence phrased wrong about the nature of symbolism would have broken all the best statues in Europe. A slip in the definitions might stop all the dances; might wither all the Christmas trees or break all the Easter eggs?
from Orthodoxy

If doctrines consisted of nothing more vital than the esoteric prattle between opinionated pundits we would not be so concerned, but because doctrines will affect Christmas trees and holiday dances, statues and sacraments, Easter eggs and Easter hope, correctly formulating them is vitally important business. They concern the things that keep us alive, and the things that threaten to kill us. The Church has rarely had the luxury of deliberating in fields of serene quietude; the decibel level is usually quite high inside the world of conflicting ideals wherein the Church is called to keep its concentration on the run. Nothing is so simple as dying; it is staying alive and staying human that is complex. That’s why the Church is in possession of many ideas. “To us, Christian Scientists are simply people with one idea, which they have never learnt to balance and combine with all the other ideas. That is why the wealthy business man so often becomes a Christian Scientist. He is not used to ideas and one idea goes to his head, like one glass of wine to a starving man. But the Catholic Church is used to living with ideas and walks among all those very dangerous wild beasts with the poise and the lifted head of a lion-tamer.” Besides having the head for it, and keeping one’s feet on the ground when considering such heady matters, we must be able to evaluate ideas that come into our heads. As we have already established, ideas are dangerous, “but the man to whom they are least dangerous is the man of ideas. He is acquainted with ideas, and moves among them like a lion-tamer…The man of no ideas will find the first idea fly to his head like wine to the head of a teetotaler…Many, for example, avowedly followed Cecil Rhodes because he had a vision. They might as well have followed him because he had a nose; a man without some kind of dream of perfection is quite as much of a monstrosity as a noseless man. People say of such a figure, in almost feverish whispers, ‘He knows his own mind, which is exactly like saying in equally feverish whispers, ‘He blows his own nose.

It is evident from these images why Chesterton does not think dogmas are dull: the matter out of which faith is formed is too rambunctious to ever be called drear, and the stakes are too high for the work to ever be called tedious. It would be surprising, indeed, to hear described as dull or trifling the struggle against forces which impede life, even if they are noetic forces; or, if Chesterton is right about the seismic consequences of ideas, precisely because they are noetic (vocab: of, relating to, or based on the intellect) . “Dogmas are not dull. Even what are called the fine doctrinal distinctions are not dull. They are like the finest operations of surgery; separating nerve from nerve, but giving life. It is easy enough to flatten out everything for miles round with dynamite, if our only objective is to give death. But just as the physiologist is dealing with living tissues, so the theologian is dealing with living ideas; and if he draws a line between them it is naturally a very fine line.”

Not shying away from the implications of his vivacious metaphor, Chesterton goes so far as to say, several times, that doctrines are analogous to sex: they breed. (And in both cases things seem to fare better with an dcment of monogamy.) As human procreation cannot come from a single individual, neither can a single and individual thought sire doctrine. Trinitarian monotheism seems to Chesterton more fertile than Unitarian mono~ theism. “The Moslem had one thought, and that a most vital one; the greatness of God which levels all men. But the Moslem had not one thought to rub against another, because he really had not another. It is the friction of two spiritual things, of tradition and invention, or of substance and symbol, from which the mind takes fire. The Creeds condemned as complex have something like the secret of sex; they can breed thoughts.” There are thoughts, Chesterton says, which feel too complete, and which therefore leave us with nothing to say in return. That is the problem with a simple thought, a complete thought.

We find ourselves wishing it were a little more complex. That is exactly the point. It is not complex enough to be a living organism. It has no vitality because it has no variety of function…And, meanwhile, any one Catholic peasant, while holding one small bead of the rosary in his fingers, can be conscious, not of one eternity, but of a complex and almost a conflict of eternities; as, for example, in the relations of Our Lord and Our Lady, of the fatherhood and the childhood of God, of the motherhood and childhood of Mary. Thoughts of that kind have, in a supernatural sense, something analogous to sex; they breed. They are fruitful and multiply; and there is no end to them.
from Where All Roads Lead

The person is wrong, therefore, who complains for the thousandth time that a living religion does not need dull and dusty dogmas. “We must stop him with a sort of shout and say, ‘There — you go wrong at the very start. If he would condescend to ask what the dogmas are, he would find out that it is precisely the dogmas that are living, that are inspiring, that are intellectually interesting. Zeal and charity and unction are admirable as flowers and fruit; but if you are really interested in the living principle you must be interested in the root or the seed.”

Living ideas share another characteristic with living things: they develop. Not only do doctrines increase in the sense of multiplying in number, but a doctrine itself can be said to increase, in the sense of developing. Of course, Chesterton does not mean develop in the sense of change, in the sense of going out of date, as if doctrine thought true by our ancestors can no longer possibly be thought so by us. Doctrinal development does not equal doctrinal dilution. However, he does definitely mean that it is not unnatural for doctrines to develop, if we understand the natural meaning of the word “development.”

There seems to be a queer ignorance, not only about the technical, but the natural meaning of the word Development. The critics of Catholic theology seem to suppose that it is not so much an evolution as an evasion; that it is at best an adaptation. They fancy that its very success is the success of surrender. But that is not the natural meaning of the word Development. When we talk of a child being well-developed, we mean that he has grown bigger and stronger with his own strength; not that he is padded with borrowed pillows or walks on stilts to make him look taller. When we say that a puppy develops into a dog, we do not mean that his growth is a gradual compromise with a cat; we mean that he becomes more doggy and not Less. Development is the expansion of all the possibilities and implications of a doctrine, as there is time to distinguish them and draw them out.
from St. Thomas Aquinas

And neither does the Church compromise its identity when it welcomes an occasional dragon to dinner or a penitent griffin to sleep in the spare bed. In fact, the way in which the faith becomes catholic is for St. Francis to invite Pan to Peter’s liturgy, and St. Thomas to invite Aristotle to submit categories to describe the indescribable repast. These two saintly persons are a moment of what Chesterton would call development in doctrine. “St. Thomas, every bit as much as St. Francis, felt subconsciously that the hold of his people was slipping on the solid Catholic doctrine and discipline, worn smooth by more than a thousand years of routine; and that the Faith needed to be shown under a new light and dealt with from another angle…It needed something like the shrewd and homely touch of Aristotle to turn it again into a religion of common sense.” God works on both sides of the Church-world equation. Baptizing into service of the Kingdom of God whatever truths of nature have been uncovered is a perfectly natural course of development for a Church entrusted with the key to transfiguring the world.

Chesterton’s third image of doctrine is that of a map through the world imagined as a walled maze. However, this map is not an escape map.

Nine out of ten of what we call new ideas are simply old mistakes. The Catholic Church has for one of her chief duties that of preventing people from making those old mistakes; from making them over and over again forever, as people always do if they are left to themselves. The truth about the Catholic attitude towards heresy, or as some would say, towards liberty, can best be expressed perhaps by the metaphor of a map. The Catholic Church carries a sort of map of the mind which looks like a map of a maze, but which is in fact a guide to the maze. It has been compiled from knowledge which, even considered as human knowledge, is quite without any human parallel. There is no other case of one continuous intelligent institution that has been thinking about thinking for two thousand years. Its experience naturally covers nearly all experiences; and especially neatly all errors. The result is a map in which all the blind alleys and bad roads are clearly marked, all the ways that have been shown to be worthless by the best of all evidence: the evidence of those who have gone down them.

On this map of the mind the errors are marked as exceptions. The greater part of it consists of playgrounds and happy hunting-fields, where the mind may have as much liberty as it likes; not to mention any number of intellectual battlefields in which the battle is indefinitely open and undecided. But it does definitely take the responsibility of marking certain roads as leading nowhere or leading to destruction, to a blank wall, or a sheet precipice. By this means, it does prevent men from wasting their time or losing their lives upon paths that have been found futile or disastrous again and again in the past. . . . She does dogmatically defend humanity from its worst foes, those hoary and horrible and devouring monsters of the, old mistakes.
from The Thing: Why I am a Catholic

This map shows the way through the maze; it shows where the fences should be put up for the protection of human life; it leads to artesian springs and away from infectious swamps; it distinguishes grass from poison, showing us meadows capable of supporting life; but it does not, as an insular and sectarian piety would have it, show us an escape tunnel leading out of this public and pagan polis. Doctrines are not for walling out the world, but for safeguarding our paradisiacal playing field.

“Catholic doctrine and discipline may be walls; but they are the walls of a playground. Christianity is the only frame which has preserved the pleasure of Paganism. We might fancy some children playing on the flat grassy top of some tall island in the sea. So long as there was a wall round the cliff’s edge they could fling themselves into every frantic game and make the place the noisiest of nurseries. But the walls were knocked down, leaving the naked peril of the precipice. They did not fall over; but when their friends returned to them they were all huddled in terror in the centre of the island; and their song had ceased.”
From Orthodoxy

Human beings, being “doctrinal animals,” search for truth; and under the assumption that reality is complex, truthful expressions about reality will be complex. “I began to examine more exactly the general Christian theology which many execrated and few examined. I soon found that it did in fact correspond to many of these experiences of life; that even its paradoxes corresponded to the paradoxes of life.” The elaborateness of a doctrine signifies that the whole truth is being seen and not just that part of it visible to a very local vision. By reductionism, one philosopher can see one truth, like one person can see one color in the peacock tail, but to speak the real color or the real truth requires more than one word, maybe more than one speaker. Catholic theology is a two thousand-year-old mind which has kept intact its memory of what other speakers have said.

It is the only theology that has not only thought, but thought of everything. That almost any other theology or philosophy contains a truth, I do not at all deny; on the contrary, that is what I assert; and that is what I complain of. Of all the other systems or sects I know, every single one is content to follow a truth, theological or theosophical or ethical or metaphysical; and the more they claim to be universal, the more it means that they merely take something and apply it to everything. . . . I have only found one creed that could not be satisfied with a truth, but only with the Truth, which is made of a million such truths and yet is one. . . . Flowers grow best in a garden, and even grow biggest in a garden…
from the Autobiography of G. K. Chesterton

The kind of truth with which Chesterton is concerned — the kind opposed to heresy, I maintain — is not only the truth of verity but the truth of the garden. Heresy is not false because it has never thought a truth; heresy is diminutive because outside the Catholic garden it cannot grow big. A Catholic’s sense of being free derives from possessing “the range of two thousand years full of twelve hundred thousand controversies, thrashed out by thinker against thinker, school against school, guild against guild, nation against nation, with no limit except the fundamental logical fact that the things were worth arguing, because they could be ultimately solved and settled.”

In our modern wilderness we have withered worse than paganism, for at least in their wilderness they struggled to grow truth, believing that the questions were worth arguing. “All previous ages have sweated and been crucified in an attempt to realize what is really the right life, what was really the good man. A definite part of the modern world has come beyond question to the conclusion that there is no answer to these questions, that the most we can do is to set up a few notice boards at places of obvious danger.” Catholic doctrine is more ambitious than setting up signs warning of thin ice or absolving itself of liability with warning labels on packages. It has the ambitious plan to build a firm foundation for living. The Church wills not only to preserve past truth by protecting it within the gardener’s wall, it wills also to persevere in its search for further truth. If an age no longer believes that truth can be found, then it will have lost its resoluteness and will no mote inaugurate a quest for truth than embark on a search for unicorns.

The argument in ages past between the heretic and the orthodox was about who was which. “In former days the heretic was proud of not being a heretic. . . . But a few modern phrases have made him boast of it.” What this means is that people have lost concern for whether they are philosophically right, and at that point one can hardly get a good discussion off the ground, much less a productive argument.

Before Chesterton can arrive at the point of disagreement with heretics, these flighty minds would have to be able to arrive at a point of commitment themselves. One can’t argue about what is true when the heretic is more interested in being interesting than in being correct. That is the difficulty which Chesterton had felt with such people. “The truth of the matter is, I imagine, that these particular people never did believe or disbelieve in anything. They liked to go and hear stimulating lecturers; and they had a vague preference, almost impossible to reduce to any definable thesis, for those lecturers who were supposed to be in some way heterodox and unconventional. . . .I had begun to discover that, in all that welter of inconsistent and incompatible heresies, the one and only real unpardonable heresy was orthodoxy.” Perhaps this also accounts for the change in attitude toward creed. Perhaps doctrinal creeds looked less restrictive to a medieval person who wanted to reason things out than to a modern person who does not want to be held by the oppressive constraints of reasonability. To someone who doesn’t believe truth can be stated, the person who believes a stated truth looks gullible. “Creed and credence and credulity are words of the same origin and can be juggled backwards and forwards to any extent. But when a man assumes the absurdity of anything that anybody else believes, we wish first to know what he believes; on what principle he believes; and, above all, upon what principle he disbelieves.”

Christian doctrine looks adamantine not because our age suffers want of freedom, but because it suffers want of reason. In an earlier world, one which “was too stolid, Christianity returned in the form of a vagabond [i.e., Francis]; in a world that has grown a great deal too wild, Christianity has returned in the form of a teacher of logic [i.e., Thomas]. In the world of Herbert Spencer men wanted a cure for indigestion; in the world of Einstein they want a cure for vertigo.”

Just as the complexity of a key is a sign that it was made to fit a lock, so the labyrinthian quality of the map is a sign that it is a blueprint. The map might seem a canard if we never get anywhere by following it, but when we discover that this particular path does lead to happiness and that this particular wall does protect us from danger, just as the map predicts, then we determine that the maker of the map was also the maker of our minds and of our world. Chesterton’s argument for revelation is not in the least an argument against reason, and in this he follows St. Thomas. Every turn revealed by the map is a reasonable turn; each truth to which it leads, a reasonable truth.

St. Thomas is inclined to admit “that truth could be reached by a rational process, if only it were rational enough; and also long enough. . . That is, he does emphatically believe that men can be convinced by argument; when they reach the end of the argument. Only his common sense also told him that the argument never ends…Therefore men must receive the highest moral truths in a miraculous manner; or most men would not receive them at all.” Revelation does not short-circuit human rationality by disclosing things reason could never believe. Revelation is a source of truths which not every person has the luxury of time to arrive at by reasonable argument. Revelation delivers us from having to discover the dead ends by personal harm and detriment, but even the pagan, without benefit of revelation, would agree which ends are fatal for human beings. Revelation does not reveal anything contrary to reason.

Chesterton illustrates this understanding of natural law and revelation through the subject of human dignity and equality. Some say that belief “in the brotherhood of men was only founded on certain texts in the Bible, about all men being the children of Adam and Eve.” If this is true, if doctrine is grounded solely on revealed text without any ground of reason, then those who don’t believe those texts don’t have to believe the teaching.

But Chesterton thinks the texts aren’t required to make us start believing the teaching; in fact, the texts are most required when we stop believing the teaching. Millions of plain people all over the world have assumed obligations toward their neighbor without ever having clapped eyes on any sacred text, so it is not true that without revelation the belief would be unreasonable.

What is true is this: that if the nonsense of Nietzsche or some such sophist submerged current culture, so that it was the fashion to deny the duties of fraternity; then indeed it might be found that the group which still affirmed fraternity was the original group in whose sacred books was the text about Adam and Eve. Suppose some Prussian professor has opportunely discovered that Germans and lesser men are respectively descended from two such very different monkeys that they are in no sense brothers, but barely cousins (German) any number of times removed. And suppose he proceeds to remove them even further with a hatchet; suppose he bases on this a repetition of the conduct of Cain, saying not so much “Am I my brother’s keeper?” as “Is he really my brother?” And suppose this higher philosophy of the hatchet becomes prevalent in colleges and cultivated circles, as even more foolish philosophies have done. Then I agree it probably will be the Christian, the man who preserves the text about Cain, who will continue to assert that he is still the professor’s brother; that he is still the professor’s keeper. He may possibly add that, in his opinion, the professor seems to require a keeper. . .

It is the Christian church which continues to hold strongly, when the world for some reason has weakened on it, what many others hold at other times…But anybody who holds it at all will hold it as a philosophy, not hung on one text but on a hundred truths.
from What’s Wrong With The World

The doctrinal map is not nearly so private as the heretic would have us believe. The ancient Greeks called a private person an “idiotes,” meaning “not public” — self-contained in one’s own world. The Catholic believes the Bible is true because what it contains is public and can be recognized by reason; but the heretic, wishing to demonstrate revelation’s truth on the grounds that it is too unique for reason to recognize, would have us believe the Bible is true because it is idiotic. If this disjunction between revelation and reason comes about, then there is nothing to talk about, since dialogue requires that we have both a reason to talk and reason to talk with. Then civilized dialogue breaks off and civilization’s acerbic tongue makes its appearance. As a matter of fact, it is generally the man who is not ready to argue, who is ready to sneer. That is why, in recent literature, there has been so little argument and so much sneering.”

It was not in St. Thomas’s character to sneer. “There is not a single occasion on which he indulged in a sneer. His curiously simple character, his lucid but laborious intellect, could not be better summed up than by saying that he did not know how to sneer.” And this remained true although he thought combatively, apologetically, and indulged in arguments of inordinate length. A sneer was not only not in his character, it was not in his theology.  Therefore the engagement between revelation and reason enlarged both the faith and the mind. In his Catholic theology, revelation did not end an argument, it began it, made sense of it, and revealed its end. St. Thomas thought one must understand the opponent’s position better than the opponent understood it himself

It is no good to tell an atheist that he is an atheist; or to charge a denier of immortality with the infamy of denying it; or to imagine that one can force an opponent to admit he is wrong, by proving he is wrong on somebody else’s principles, but not on his own. After the great example of St. Thomas, the principle stands, or ought always to have stood as established; that we must cither not argue with a man at all, or we must argue on his grounds and not ours. We may do other things instead of arguing, according to our views of what actions are morally permissible; but if we argue we must argue [as Thomas put it] “on the reasons and statements of the philosophers themselves.”
from St. Thomas Aquinas

In a related way, one must understand the principle behind a practice better than the person who holds the position without reason It is not enough to be right only by prejudice, even if it is a valid prejudice, because with, out a principle the prejudice can’t be corrected when it starts to go awry. In evidence, Chesterton submits that although “most of our friends and acquaintances continue to entertain a healthy prejudice against cannibalism,” there are nevertheless attitudes appearing today toward the human body (our corporal mode of being human), which do not think the bodies of humans very much different from the bodies of animals. Among people who have reached this position, the reason for disapproving of cannibalism has already become very vague. It remains as a tradition and an instinct. Fortunately, thank God, though it is now very vague, it is still very strong.” But social sanities which we take for granted shan’t remain strong without a theological creed for a grounding principle. “All such social sanities are now the traditions of old Catholic dogmas. Like many other Catholic dogmas, they are felt in some vague way even by heathens, so long as they are healthy heathens. . . . They have the prejudice; and long may they retain it! We have the principle, and they are welcome to it when they want it.” If the heretic finds revelation unreasonable, it is because he has surrendered his principle of reason; at least the healthy heathen is in the position of being able to ascertam in revelation what he has reasonably expected. “Some people do not like the word ‘dogma. Fortunately they are free, and there is an alternative for them. There are two things, and two things only, for the human mind, a dogma and a prejudice. The Middle Ages were a rational epoch, an age of doctrine. Our age is, at its best, a poetical epoch, an age of prejudice. A doctrine is a definite point; a prejudice is a direction. That an ox may be eaten, while a man should not be eaten, is a doctrine.”

This brings us to Chesterton’s fourth image. It is true that Catholic doctrine is rather single-minded: it persistently harps about love of God and justice on earth, eternal happiness and how one becomes capacitated for it, beatitude and other such topics which do tend to grab the mind’s attention. But single-mindedness should not be mistaken for narrow-mindedness. While it is true that Catholic doctrine has a quality which may be called undeviating, assiduous, and constant (so constant that those who were already too tired to hear it the first time will find it monotonously tiring the millionth time they hear it), it is not true that Catholic doctrine may be called narrow in ambition or modest in scope. This theology really does want to reconcile such diverse things as angels and octopuses, heaven and earth, revelation and reason, faith and science, Church and world, and all this because it believes grace perfects nature. Failure to perceive this is the cause of the puritan’s agoraphobia as New Rome invited Old Rome to help decorate St. Peter’s Basilica.

St. Thomas must make corrections to Aristotle where this philosopher has not accounted for a fact of revelation to come after him, but all that this wise pagan had right, Thomas keeps. Of whatever other faults scholasticism may be culpable, it cannot be charged with narrow-mindedness when it tries to accommodate, simultaneously, all the reality which heaven reveals and reason discovers. In its broad mindedness, scholasticism is unwilling to live in twin worlds, which is at the root of Thomas’s objection to his schizophrenic opponent, Siger of Brabant.

Siger of Brabant said this: the church must be right theologically, but she can be wrong scientifically. There are two truths; the truth of the supernatural world, and the truth of the natural world, which contradicts the supernatural world. While we are being naturalists, we can suppose that Christianity is all nonsense; but then, when we remember that we are Christians, we must admit that Christianity is true even if it is nonsense. In other words, Siger of Brabant split the human head in two, like the blow in an old legend of battle; and he declared that a man has two minds, with one of which he must entirely believe and with the other may utterly disbelieve. To many this would at least seem like a parody of Thomism. As a fact, it was the assassination of Thomism. It was not two ways of finding the same truth; it was an untruthful way of pretending that there are two truths. And it is extraordinarily interesting to note that this is the one occas~on when the Dumb Ox really came out like a wild bull. .

Those who complain that theologians draw fine distinctions could hardly find a better example of their own folly. In fact, a fine distinction can be a flat contradiction. It was notably so in this case. St. Thomas was willing to allow the one truth to be approached by two paths, precisely because he was sure there was only one truth. Because the Faith was the one truth, nothing discovered in nature could ultimately contradict the Faith. Because the Faith was the one truth, nothing really deduced from the Faith could ultimately contradict the facts. It was in truth a curiously daring confidence in the reality of his religion; and though some may linger to dispute it, it has been justified.

“A man is not really convinced of a philosophic theory when he finds that something proves it. He is only really convinced when he finds that everything proves it.”44 That is why it was necessary for Chesterton, and for St. Thomas, that the Catholic faith be stretched large enough to cover everything. In the scholastic’s case, it resulted in “books enough to sink a ship or stock a library”; a review of Chesterton’s own bookshelves, and the range of interests they reveal, proves that it is not much different for him. If he had only needed a single truth, he could have been satisfied with any philosophy, because every half-truth contains some truth; but to be really convinced that Catholicism had the one whole truth, he tilted with a range of heresies. “Now anybody driven to the defense of what he does really mean must cover all the strategic field of the fight, and must fight at many points which he would not have chosen in fancy, but only in relation to fact. He cannot hope to deal only with heresies that amuse him; he must, in common fairness, deal seriously with heresies that bore him.”
from St. Thomas Aquinas

Catholic doctrine is still being stretched; the flowers in the garden are still growing. The matter which doctrine uses to develop, like the food which a child uses to grow, increases as actual, novel, historical events come to pass and the sum total of facts to chew on increases. As the world increases for us, doctrine will be animated, and thoughts will breed. So unless Siger of Brabant is right, and surely he isn’t, Catholicism does not have a conflicted mind about scriptural truth and scientific truth.

In the matter of the inspiration of Scripture, [Thomas] fixed first on the obvious fact. . . that the meaning of Scripture is very far from self-evident; and that we must often interpret it in the light of other truths. If a literal interpretation is really and flatly contradicted by an obvious fact, why then we can only say that the literal interpretation must be a false interpretation. But the fact must really be an obvious fact. And unfortunately, nineteenth century scientists were just as ready to jump to the conclusion that any guess about nature was an obvious fact, as were seventeenth century sectarians to jump to the conclusion that any guess about Scripture was the obvious explanation. Thus, private theories about what the Bible ought to mean, and premature theories about what the world ought to mean, have met in loud and widely advertised controversy…and this clumsy collision of two very impatient forms of ignorance was known as the quarrel of Science and Religion…If the matter had been left to [Thomas]. and men like him, there never would have been any quarrel between Science and Religion.
from St. Thomas Aquinas

Interpreting the meaning of Scripture in the light of other truths is an ongoing proposition, not a fundamentalist proposition which pulls the shade on the world’s bright lights: Plato, Aristotle, Copernicus, Newton, and so forth. In fact, a new pile of empirical fact was dumped in the university square at Paris for St. Thomas’s consideration by a new attitude toward empiricism cultivated by his teacher, Albert the Great.

It is not really so much a question of access to the facts, as of attitude to the facts. Most of the Schoolmen, if informed by the only informants they had that a unicorn has one horn or a salamander lives in the fire, still used it more as an illustration of logic than an incident of life. What they really said was, “If a unicorn has one horn, two unicorns have as many horns as one cow.” And that is not one inch the less a fact because the unicorn is a fable. But with Albertus in medieval times, as with Aristotle in ancient times, there did begin something like the idea of emphasizing the question: “But does the unicorn only have one horn or the salamander a fire instead of a fireside” Doubtless when the social and geographical limits of medieval life began to allow them to search the fire for salamanders or the desert for unicorns, they had to modify many of their scientific ideas. A fact which will expose them to the very proper scorn of a generation of scientists which has just discovered that Newton is nonsense, that space is limited, and that there is no such thing as an atom.
from St. Thomas Aquinas

From this world of facts sprang cosmological arguments as the natural world became grist for the reasoning of faith. It does seem to be agreed upon that the unruly child, Science, is really Christianity’s child. The willingness to poke Mother Nature with empirical syringes could not have come out of a pagan worldview which treated nature as quasi-divine. It required a worldview in which Nature is not our mother, but our sister. “We can be proud of her beauty, since we have the same father; but she has no authority over us.” “Are you surprised that the same civilization which believed in the Trinity discovered steam?” With the discovery also comes obligations. As Chesterton has repeatedly told us, what’s wrong with the world is that we act without knowing to what end we are obliged. Our sister, Nature, is not mute about this knowledge, so St. Thomas listens to her, making him Huxley’s ideal agnostic: one cornmitted to the method of following reason as far as it will go.

Now the modern Anthropologists, who called themselves Agnostics, completely failed to be Anthropologists at all. Under their limitations, they could not get a complete theory of Man, let alone a complete theory of nature. They began by ruling out something which they called the Unknowable. . . But it rapidly became apparent that all sorts of things were unknowable, which were exactly the things that a man has got to know. It is necessary to know whether he is responsible or irresponsible, perfect or imperfect, perfectible or unperfectible, mortal or immortal, doomed or free, not in order to understand God, but in order to understand Man…. Has a man free will; or is his sense of choice an illusion? Has he a conscience, or has his conscience any authority; or is it only the prejudice of the tribal past? Is there any real hope of settling these things by human reason; and has that any authority? Is he to regard death as final; and is he to regard miraculous help as possible?
from St. Thomas Aquinas

Where St. Thomas and the agnostic part company is not in their answer — Thomas is supremely confident that God lies at the end of reason — but in the fact that only St. Thomas, and not the agnostic, really asks “Where does it go?” Because theology is not disjunctive to reason or empiricism, investigations of nature will contribute to the discussion about the end and essence of human beings, but only if that is being discussed. Unfortunately, the investigation will not treat what it declares at the outset as unknowable.

Thus it happens, says Chesterton, that the Catholic tradition can affirm both mystical knowledge and intellectual knowledge, for the very simple reason that they are both right. Again, the heretic’s ungainly position is to stand on a single footing, waving his arms frantically in apprehension of falling to either one side or the other—reason or mysticism. The Catholic stands upon both feet, on a base broad enough to house both Franciscans and Dominicans.

The Franciscan [Bonaventure] may be represented as the Father of all the Mystics; and the Mystics can be represented as men who maintain that the final fruition or joy of the soul is rather a sensation than a thought. The motto of the Mystics has always been, “Taste and see.” Now St. Thomas also began by saying, “Taste and see”; but he said it of the first rudimentary impressions of the human animal. It might well be maintained that the Franciscan puts Taste last and the Dominican puts it first. It might be said that the Thomist begins with something solid like the taste of an apple, and afterwards deduces a divine life for the intellect; while the Mystic exhausts the intellect first, and says finally that the sense of God is something like the taste of an apple…They are both right; if I may say so, it is a privilege of people who contradict each other in their cosmos to be both right. The Mystic is right in saying that the relation of God and Man is essentially a love-story; the pattern and type of all love-stories. The Dominican rationalist is equally right in saying that the intellect is at home in the topmost heavens; and that the appetite for truth may outlast and even devour all the duller appetites of man.
from St. Thomas Aquinas

Our hankering for love stories reminds us that we were made for love, and our craving for understanding reminds us that we were made for intellectual fulfillment. “Whether the supreme ecstasy is more affectional than intellectual is no very deadly matter of quarrel among men who believe it is both, but do not profess even to imagine the actual experience of either.”

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The Church And The Scientists

March 15, 2010

The Trial of Galileo

Another view of this story was recounted by Steven Barr here. While both Dr. Barr and David Bentley Hart see the stuff of a mythology here, Dr. Barr supports a thesis that the opposition of the Church to science is part of a myth eagerly passed on to us by the scientific materialists whose narrative supports an atheist world view. 

One of those historical myths that enjoy popular currency, even though they cannot survive the scrutiny of serious historical study, is that, at the dawn of the Christian era, there was a thriving Hellenistic scientific culture that Christianity — through some supposed hostility to learning and reason — methodically destroyed; and that this Christian antagonism to science persisted into the early modern period — as is evident from Galileo’s trial in Rome — until the power of the Church was at last broken, and secular faculties of science began to appear.

This story is impossible to reconcile with the historical evidence, ancient, Medieval, or modern. It misrepresents the characters both of Hellenistic science and of early Christianity as well as that of Medieval intellectual culture; and it entirely belies the fascinating reality that, in the 16th and 17th centuries, Christian scientists educated in Christian universities and following a Christian tradition of scientific and mathematical speculation overturned a pagan cosmology and physics unchallenged since the days of Aristotle

Ancient And Medieval Science
There never was a particularly advanced culture of Hellenistic science — at least, not in the sense the word has now: a systematic and analytic use of experiment and observation to correct and refine hypotheses. Careful astronomical observation had led to the invention of the astrolabe, some of the remedies prescribed by medical ‘science’ were effective (or, at least, not harmful), some fine work in the geometry of optics was achieved by Ptolemy (c.100-c. 170), and a few clever mechanical inventions had appeared by the end of the first century Ala; hut Greek science had never been much interested in concrete experiment and as a \%hole had declined towards encyclopaedism and commentary before the Christian age. But research of a sort did persist in Alexandria, and was pursued during the Christian period as avidly by Christian scholars as by pagan.

Cosmology was at once the most elaborately developed and the most static area of scientific erudition. From antiquity through the late Middle Ages, almost all scientists — pagan, Christian or Muslim — accepted some version of the Aristotelian model of the universe, and some version of Ptolemy’s attempt to describe a geocentric universe mathematically. According to the former, the stationary earth is surrounded by a series of revolving concentric crystalline planetary spheres, the lowest of which contains the moon; the ‘sublunar’ realm is the region of change and decay, of the elements of air and fire, earth and water; the ‘superluna’ realm, however, is composed of the ‘quintessence’ or ‘aether’, and there all is changeless. Beyond the farthest planetary sphere lies the sphere of the fixed stars. And the whole machinery of the cosmos is driven by the outermost sphere of the ‘prime mover’.

Ptolemy’s exquisitely complex model of the heavens was an attempt to make this model of reality somehow consonant with the observable movements of heavenly objects — including the apparent ‘retrograde’ movement of certain planets — but this., iii the end, was impossible. Ptolemy was forced to introduce such bizarre devices as ‘eccentrics’ (extraterrestrial axes for certain planetary orbits), ‘equants’ (imaginary secondary axes that allowed orbits to be measured as mathematically uniform) and ‘epicycles’ (small local orbital axes located within the planetary spheres) into his calculations. Nor did Ptolemy trouble overly much about empirical observation (one could disprove his description of the lunar cycle, for instance, simply by looking at the moon several nights in succession). None of his mathematical devices, moreover, was compatible with Aristotelian physics, but — while scientists occasionally attempted to improve upon the model thus produced — few ever thought to reject it outright.

One exception to this rule was the sixth — century Christian scientist John Philoponus, who speculated that heavenly bodies are in fact mutable, that above the atmosphere there was perhaps a vacuum, that the stars were not (as pagan scientists believed) spiritual intelligences, but merely masses of fire, and that the planets might move by an ‘impressed’ impetus. A few later Muslim astronomers addressed Philoponus’ ideas, without adopting them, and by that route they entered into Western Christian scholastic science, where they were taken up and explored by men like Thomas Bradwardine (c. 1290-1349), Richard Swineshead (fl. 1348), Jean Buridan (1300-58) and Nicholas Oresme (c. 1320-82).

The heliocentric revolution Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543) was a beneficiary of this tradition; but be was the first Christian theorist explicitly to argue for a heliocentric cosmos, in his treatise De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (published 1543). His argument was not particularly compelling, as it happens; his mathematical models were defective and almost as complicated as Pto1emy’s (and as fraught with ‘epicycles’). His basic model did seem to explain why Mercury and Venus remain always near the sun, but so did the later system of Tycho Brahe (1346-1601) according to which all the planets above revolve around the sun, while only the sun revolves directly around the earth. By the time of the trial of the most famous defender of the Copernican theory Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), many of the best astronomers (a great many of whom were Jesuits) had adopted the ‘Tychonic’ model.

Johannes Kepler
Johannes Kepler (1571- 1630) was a brilliant astronomer natural scientist, theorist of optics and mathematician, but was also a metaphysician, an astrologer and something of a mystic; in his youth, he had intended to become a theologian and to the end of his life he regarded his scientific endeavourers a sacred vocation, which allowed him to discover the sublime harmonies informing creation, and the ways in which the Trinity is reflected in them.

In Copernicus’ heliocentrism — which he encountered in the early 1590s — Kepler believed he had found (if only in intuitive form) a model of the cosmic order that adequately mirrored the divine governance of the universe, the sun’s centrality  being as it were, a physical symbol of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit ruling over and guiding all things; And even in his discovery of the elliptical shape of planetary orbits (in which he was aided by Tycho Brahe’s meticulously precise astronomical observations) he believed he could discern depths of geometric perfection in which the divine archetypes of all things shone forth.

Though a devout Lutheran, Kepler had no interest in sectarian disputes; he was on good terms with many Calvinists and Catholics (with many friends and protectors among the Jesuits). He was content to labor under Catholic or Lutheran princes; he was not, however, shown comparable tolerance. At one point, he was expelled form the Lutheran communion; at another, Catholic authorities confiscated his books and told him to end his children to mass.

Kepler though, labored on inspired to the end by his vision of cosmic order or intricate beauties and delicate concords. The work that probably best expresses his vision of reality is his Harmonices Mundi of 1619, in which he gave free rein to his Christian Platonist and semi-Pythagorean tendencies. He described there the structure of the cosmos in terms of a ‘universal music’, found in all the geometric rations of the natural order; and especially in the subtle consonances – and spiritual influences – between heavenly bodies and the human soul.

Galileo
When challenged by theologians, Galileo quite correctly appealed to the Church Fathers to defend the claim that the scriptures ought not to be mistaken for cosmological treatises. In the 17th century, though, under the pressure of Protestant criticism, the Catholic Church had become much more diffident in the latitude with which it read scripture, and had begun to incline towards greater literalism. That said, in the years leading up to his trial, Galileo had enjoyed the esteem of many prominent churchmen; several Jesuit astronomers helped to confirm many of his telescopic observations; and even when his Copernican sympathies became clear in 1613 he was not censured by ecclesial authority Galileo’s most important admirer and ally in the Church, in fact, was Cardinal Maffeo Barberini (1368-1644), who in 1623 became Pope Urban VIII — the very man who would ultimately command Galileo to recant.

Galileo, however, was a frequently unpleasant man, who often refused to give other scientists credit for their own discoveries, belittled those he saw as rivals (such as Johannes Kepler), and insisted on provoking disputes. His demands for unconditional acceptance of his theories led to an ecclesial consultation in 1616. When he failed to produce a single convincing proof for his position, the consultation admonished him against teaching Copernican theory as a fact. Even so, Urban himself encouraged Galileo to write the book that became the Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, the Ptolemaic and Copernican (1632), enjoining only that it include a statement to the effect that Copernican theory was only an unproven hypothesis. Galileo did include such a statement in his dialogue, but placed it on the lips of a clownishly obtuse character named Simplicio.

This seemed an unwarranted insult of a generous friend; Urban took offence and resolved upon a trial. Moreover, as it turned out, Urban was quite right about the unproven nature of the Copernican theory For all his brilliance as a physicist, Galileo was an amateur astronomer at best, and seemed unaware ho\v mathematically and empirically incoherent Copernicus’ book was. The only evidence he provided for the Earth’s movement was a theory about the tides that was completely irreconcilable with observable tidal sequences. He could have defended heliocentrism better if he had been willing to adopt Kepler’s theory of elliptical planetary orbits — of which he was aware — but he was loath to do so.

The ultimate effect of Rome’s authoritarian meddling was to make the Church hierarchy appear ridiculous. The case was, though, an aberration, and not a true indicator of the relation between the Catholic Church and the sciences. In fact, the Church was a generous patron of the sciences, while the Jesuits fostered many of the most original scientific minds of the age. But the embarrassment created for the Catholic Church by Urban’s outraged pride has never entirely faded.

Read on (this is a series);

http://payingattentiontothesky.com/2009/05/23/annals-of-atheism-ii-mechanism-over-teleology/

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Book and Film Recommendation: “Brideshead Revisited” by Evelyn Waugh

March 12, 2010
  

Diana Quick (Julia Flyte) , Anthony Andrews (Sebastian Flyte) and Jeremy Irons (Charles Ryder)

 

I watched the BBC dramatization from the 1980s the other day and then read the novel. If you haven’t read it or are unfamiliar with the story: Brideshead Revisited is the story of Charles Ryder’s college affair with the young lord, Sebastian Flyte at Oxford.  Despite the difference in class and economic circumstances, Charles becomes almost a member of the family, Catholic peers of the realm, meeting Lord Marchmain on a trip to Italy  with Sebastian and Lady Marchmain (Sebastian’s mother and father are divorced) and 20 years later has an affair with Sebastian’s younger sister, Julia. This all happens in the period between the two World Wars before England’s landed gentry had declined.

More than a novel of manners and social class, Brideshead also shows the Catholicism of the Flyte family through the eyes of the pagan Charles Ryder and the struggles that the four children (Bridey, Sebastian, Julia and Cordelia) have living in harmony with their faith. It ultimately is the story of Ryder’s conversion to faith on the eve of the Normandy landings.

Reading selections follow.

Youth
The languor of Youth — how unique and quintessential it is?  How quickly, how irrecoverably, lost! The zest, the generous  affections, the illusions, the despair, all the traditional attributes.  Youth — all save this — come and go with us through life; again and again in riper years we experience, under a new stimulus, what we thought had been finally left behind, the authentic impulse to action, the renewal of power and its con­centration on a new object; again and again a new truth is revealed to us in whose light all our previous knowledge must be rearranged These things are a part of life itself, but languor — the relaxation of yet unwearied sinews, the mind sequestered and self-regarding, the sun standing still in the heavens and the earth throbbing to our own pulse — that belongs to Youth alone and dies with it. Perhaps in the mansions of Limbo the heroes enjoy some such compensation for their loss of the Beatific Vision, perhaps the Beatific Vision itself has some remote kinship with this lowly experience, I, at any rate, believed myself very near heaven, during those languid days at Brideshead.

Sebastian’s Faith
Sebastian’s faith was an enigma to me at that time, but not one which I felt particularly concerned to solve. I had no religion. I was taken to church weekly as a child, and at school attended chapel daily, but, as though in compensation, from the time I went to my public school I was excused church in the holidays. The view implicit in my education was that the basic narrative of Christianity had long been exposed as a myth, and that opinion was now divided as to whether its ethical teaching was of present value, a division in which the main weight went against it; religion was a hobby with some people professed and other did not; at the best it was slightly ornamental, at the worst it was the province of “complexes” and “inhibitions” — catchwords of the decade — and of the intolerance, hypocrisy, and sheer stupidity attributed to it for centuries. No one had ever suggested to me that these quaint observances expressed a coherent philosophic system and intransigent historical claims; nor had they done so, would I have been much interested.

Often, almost daily, since I had known Sebastian, some chance word in his conversation had reminded me that he was a Catholic, but I took it as a foible, like his Teddy-bear. We never discussed the matter until on the second Sunday at Brideshead, when Father Phipps had left us and we sat in the colonnade with the papers, he surprised me by saying: “Oh dear, it’s very difficult being a Catholic.”

“Does it make much difference to you?”

“Of course. All the time.”

“Well, I can’t say I’ve noticed it. Are you struggling against temptation? You don’t seem much more virtuous than me.”

“I’m very, very much wickeder,” said Sebastian indignantly.

“Well then?”

“Who was it used to pray, ‘Oh God, make me good, but not yet’?”

“I don’t know…You, I should think.”

“Why, yes, I do, every day. But it isn’t that.” He turned back to the pages of the News of the World and said, “Another naughty scout-master.”

“I suppose they try and make you believe an awful lot of nonsense?”

“Is it nonsense? I wish it were. It sometimes sounds terribly sensible to me.”

“But, my dear Sebastian, you can’t seriously believe it all.”

“Can’t I?”

“I mean about Christmas and the star and the three kings and ox and the ass.”

“Oh yes, I believe that It’s a lovely idea”

“But you can’t believe things because they’re a lovely idea”

“But I do! That’s how I believe.”

“And in prayers? You think you can kneel down in front of a statue and say a few words, not even out loud, just in your mind, and change the weather, or that some saints are more influential than others, and you must get hold of the right one to help you on the right problem?”

“Oh yes. Don’t you remember last term when I took Aloysius and left him behind I didn’t know where? I prayed like mad to St. Anthony of Padua that morning, and immediately after lunch there was Mr. Nichols at Canterbury Gate with Aloysius in his arms, saying I’d left him in his cab.”

“Well,” I said, “if you can believe all that and you don’t want to be good, where’s the difficulty about your religion?”

“If you can’t see, you can’t.”

“Well, where?”

“Oh, don’t be a bore, Charles I want to read about a woman in Hull who’s been using an instrument.”

“You started the subject. I was just getting interested.”

“I’ll never mention it again…

Like A Piece Of Ivory In A Chinese Puzzle
“D’you know, Bridey, if I ever felt for a moment like becoming a Catholic, I should only have to talk to you for five minutes to be cured. You manage to reduce what seem quite sensible propositions to stark nonsense.”

“It’s odd you should say that. I’ve heard it before from other people. It’s one of the many reasons why I don’t think I should make a good priest. It’s something in the way my mind works I suppose. I have to turn a thing round and round, like a piece of ivory in a Chinese puzzle, until — click! — it fits into place — but by that time it’s upside down to everyone else. But it’s the same bit of ivory, you know.”

Leaving Brideshead
I was unmoved; there was no part of me remotely touched by her distress. It was as I had often imagined being expelled from school. I almost expected to hear her say: “I have already written to inform your unhappy father:’ But as I drove away and turned back in the car to take what promised to be my last view of the house, I felt that I was leaving part of myself behind, and that wherever I went afterwards I should feel the lack of it, and search for it hopelessly, as ghosts are said to do, frequenting the spots where they buried material treasures without which they cannot pay their way to the nether world.

“I shall never go back,” I said to myself.

A door had shut, the low door in the wall I had sought and found in Oxford; open it now and I should find no enchanted garden.

I had come to the surface, into the light of common day and the fresh sea-air, after long captivity in the sunless coral palaces and waving forests of the ocean bed.

I had left behind me — what? Youth? Adolescence? Romance? The conjuring stuff of these things, “the Young Magician’s Compendium,” that neat cabinet where the ebony wand had its place beside the delusive [vocab: Tending to delude; Having the nature of a delusion; false] billiard balls, the penny that folded double and the feather flowers that could be drawn into a hollow candle.

“I have left behind illusion,” I said to myself. “Henceforth I live in a world of three dimensions — with the aid of my five senses.”

I have since learned that there is no such world; but then, as the car turned out of sight of the house, I thought it took no finding, but lay all about me at the end of the avenue.

My Theme Is Memory
My  theme is memory, that winged host that soared about me one grey morning of war-time.

These memories, which are my life — for we possess nothing certainly except the past — were always with me. Like the pigeons of St. Mark’s, they were everywhere, under my feet, singly, in pairs, in little honey-voiced congregations, nodding, strutting, winking, rolling the tender feathers of their necks, perching sometimes, if I stood still, on my shoulder or pecking broken biscuit from between my lips; until, suddenly, the noon gun boomed and in a moment, with a flutter and sweep of wings, the pavement was bare and the whole sky above dark with a tumult of fowl. Thus it was that morning.

These memories are the memorials and pledges of the vital hours of a lifetime. These hours of afflatus in the human spirit, the springs of art, are, in their mystery, akin to the epochs of history, when a race which for centuries has lived content, unknown, behind its own frontiers, digging, eating, sleeping, begetting, doing what was requisite for survival and nothing else, will, for a generation or two, stupefy the world, commit all manner of crimes, perhaps, follow the wildest chimeras, go down in the end in agony, but leave behind a record of new heights scaled and new rewards won for all mankind, the vision fades, the soul sickens, and the routine of survival starts again.

The human soul enjoys these rare, classic periods, but, apart from them, we are seldom single or unique; we keep company in this world with a hoard of abstractions and reflections and counterfeits of ourselves — the sensual man, the economic man, the man of reason, the beast, the machine and the sleep-walker and heaven knows what besides, all in our own image, indistinguishable from ourselves to the outward eye. We get borne along, out of sight in the press, unresisting, till we get the chance to drop behind unnoticed, or to dodge down a side street, pause, breathe freely and take our bearings, or to push ahead, outdistance our shadows, lead them a dance, so that when at length they catch up with us, they look at one another askance, knowing we have a secret we shall never share.

For nearly ten years I was thus borne along a road outwardly full of change and incident, but never during that time, except sometimes in my painting — and that at longer and longer intervals — did I come alive as I had been during the time of my friendship with Sebastian. I took it to be youth, not life that I was losing. My work upheld me, for I had chosen to do what I could do well, did better daily, and liked doing; incidentally it was something which no one else at that time was attempting to do. I became an architectural painter. I have always loved building, holding it to be not only the highest achievement of man but one in which, at the moment of consummation, things were most clearly taken out of his hands and perfected, without his intention, by other means, and I regarded men as something much less than the buildings they made and inhabited, as mere lodgers and short-term sub-lessees of small importance in the long, fruitful life of their homes.

Julia Speaks About Sin
Following her brother Bridey cruelly telling her she couldn’t meet with his fiancé because she was “living in sin” with Charles, Julia collapses in tears and has a long speech with Charles.
“‘Living in sin’; not just doing wrong, as I did when I went to America; doing wrong, knowing it is wrong, stopping doing it, forgetting. That’s not what they mean. That’s not Bridey’s pennyworth. He means just what it says in black and white.

“Living in sin, with sin, by sin, for sin, every hour, every day, year in, year out. Waking up with sin in the morning, seeing the curtains drawn on sin, bathing it, dressing it, clipping diamonds to it, feeding it, showing it round, giving it a good time, putting it to sleep at night with a tablet of Dial if it’s fretful.

“Always the same, like an idiot child carefully nursed, guarded from the world. ‘Poor Julia,’ they say, ‘she can’t go out. She’s got to take care of her little sin. A pity it ever lived,’ they say, ‘but it’s so strong. Children like that always are. Julia’s so good to her little, mad sin.’”

An hour ago, I thought, under the sunset, she sat turning her ring in the water and counting the days of happiness; now under the first stars and the last grey whisper of day, all this mysterious tumult of sorrow! What had happened to us in the Painted Parlor? What shadow had fallen in the candlelight? Two rough sentences and a trite phrase. She was beside herself; her voice, now muffled in my breast, now clear and anguished, came to me in single words and broken sentences, which may be strung together thus: “Past and future; the years when I was trying to be a good wife, in the cigar smoke, while time crept on and the counters clicked on the backgammon board, and the man who was ‘dummy’ at the men’s table filled the glasses; when I was trying to bear his child, torn in pieces by something already dead; putting him away, forgetting him, finding you, the past two years with you, all the future with you, all the future with or without you, war coming, world ending — sin.

“A word from so long ago, from Nanny Hawkins stitching by the hearth and the nightlight burning before the Sacred Heart. Cordelia and me with the catechism, in Mummy’s room, before luncheon on Sundays. Mummy carrying my sin with her to church, bowed under it and the black lace veil, in the chapel; slipping out with it in London before the fires were lit; taking it with her through the empty streets, where the milkman’s ponies stood with their forefeet on the pavement; Mummy dying with my sin eating at her, more cruelly than her own deadly illness.

“Mummy dying with it; Christ dying with it, nailed hand and foot; hanging over the bed in the night-nursery; hanging year after year in the dark little study at Farm Street with the shining oilcloth; hanging in the dark church where only the old char-woman raises the dust and .one candle burns; hanging at noon, high among the crowds and the soldiers; no comfort except a sponge of vinegar and the kind words of a thief; hanging for ever; never the cool sepulchre and the grave clothes spread on the stone slab, never the oil and spices in the dark cave; always the midday sun and the dice clicking for the seamless coat.

“Never the shelter of the cave or of the castle walls. Outcast in the desolate spaces where the hyenas roam at night and the rubbish heaps smoke in the daylight. No way back; the gates barred; all the saints and angels posted along the walls. Nothing but bare stone and dust and the smoldering dumps. Thrown away, scrapped, rotting down; the old man with lupus and the forked stick who limps out at nightfall to turn the rubbish, hoping for something to put in his sack, something marketable, turns away with disgust.

“Nameless and dead, like the baby they wrapped up and took away before I had seen her.”

Between her tears she talked herself into silence. I could do nothing; I was adrift in a strange sea; my hands on the metal spun threads of her tunic were cold and stiff, my eyes dry; I was as far from her in spirit, as she clung to me in the darkness, as when years ago I had lit her cigarette on the way from the station; as far as when she was out of mind, in the dry, empty years at the Old Rectory and in the jungle.

Tears spring from speech; presently in the silence her weeping stopped. She sat up, away from me, took my handkerchief, shivered, rose to her feet.

“Well,” she said, in a voice much like normal. “Bridey is one for bombshells, isn’t he?”

I followed her into the house and to her room; she sat at her looking-glass. “Considering that I’ve just recovered from a fit of hysteria,” she said, “I don’t call that at all bad.” Her eyes seemed unnaturally large and bright, her cheeks pale with two spots of high color, where, as a girl, she used to put a dab of rouge. “Most hysterical women look as if they had a bad cold. You’d better change your shirt before going down; it’s all tears and lipstick.”

“Are we going down?”

“Of course, we mustn’t leave poor Bridey on his engagement night.”

When I came back to her she said: “I’m sorry for that appalling scene, Charles. I can’t explain.”

Cordelia Tells Her Story About Sebastian to Charles
Charles learns about his college lover, Sebastian from his Cordelia (little sister to Julia and Sebastian) who is being looked after at a monastery near Carthage.

The superior simply said, “I did not think there was anything I could do to help him except pray.” He was a very holy old man and recognized it in others.”

“Holiness?”

“Oh yes, Charles, that’s what you’ve got to understand about Sebastian.

——————

“Have you told Julia this about Sebastian?”

“The substance of it; not quite as I told you. She never loved him, you know, as we do.”

“Do?’ The word reproached me; there was no past tense in Cordelia’s verb “to love:’

“Poor Sebastian!” I said. “It’s too pitiful. How will it end?”

“I think I can tell you exactly, Charles. I’ve seen others like him, and I believe they are very near and dear to God. He’ll live on, half in, half out of the community, a familiar figure pottering round with his broom and his’ bunch of keys. He’ll be a great favorite with the old fathers, something of a joke to the novices. Everyone will know about his drinking; he’ll disappear for two or three days every month or so, and they’ll all nod and smile and say in theft various accents, ‘Old Sebastian’s on the spree again,’ and then he’ll come back disheveled and shamefaced and be more devout for a day or two in the chapel. He’ll probably have little hiding places about the garden where he keeps a bottle and takes a swig now and then on the sly. They’ll bring him forward to act as guide, whenever they have an English-speaking visitor; and he will be completely charming, so that before they go they’ll ask about him and perhaps be given a hint that he has high connections at home. If he lives long enough, generations of missionaries in all kinds of remote places will think of him as a queer old character who was somehow part of the Hope of their student days, and remember him in their masses. He’ll develop little eccentricities of devotion, intense personal cults of his own; he’ll be found in the chapel at odd times and missed when he’s expected. Then one morning, after one of his drinking bouts, he’ll be picked up at the gate dying, and show by a mere flicker of the eyelid that he is conscious when they give him the last sacraments. It’s not such a bad way of getting through one’s life.”

I thought of the joyful youth with the Teddy-bear under the flowering chestnuts. “It’s not what one would have foretold,” I said. “I suppose he doesn’t suffer?”

“Oh, yes, I think he does. One can have no idea what the suffering may be, to be maimed as he is — no dignity, no power of will. No one is ever holy without suffering. It’s taken that form with him…I’ve seen so much suffering in the last few years; there’s so much coming for everybody soon. It’s the spring of love… And then in condescension to my paganism, she added; “He’s in a very beautiful place, you know, by the sea — white cloisters, a bell tower, rows of green vegetables, and a monk watering them when the sun is low?’

I laughed. “You knew I wouldn’t understand?”

“You and Julia…” she said. And then, as we moved on towards the house, “When you met me last night did you think, ‘Poor Cordelia, such an engaging child, grown up a plain and pious spinster, full of good works’? Did you think ‘thwarted’?”

It was no time for prevarication. “Yes,” I said, “I did; I don’t now, so much.”

“It’s funny,” she said, “that’s exactly the word I thought of for you and Julia. When we were up in the nursery with Nanny. ‘Thwarted passion,’ I thought.”

She spoke with that gentle, infinitesimal inflection of mockery which descended to her from her mother, but later that evening the words came back to me poignantly.

Julia wore the embroidered Chinese robe which she often used when we were dining alone at Brideshead; it was a robe whose weight and stiff folds stressed her repose; her neck rose exquisitely from the plain gold circle at her throat; her hands lay still among the dragons in her lap. It was thus that I had rejoiced to see her nights without number, and that night, watching her as she sat between the firelight and the shaded lamp, unable to look away for love of her beauty, I suddenly thought, When else have I seen her like this? Why am I reminded of another moment of vision? And it came back to me that this was how she had sat in the liner, before the storm; this was how she had looked; and I realized that she had regained what I thought she had lost for ever, the magical sadness which had drawn me to her, the thwarted look that had seemed to say, “Surely I was made for some other purpose than this?”

That night I woke in the darkness and lay awake turning over in my mind the conversation with Cordelia. How I had said, “You knew I would not understand?” How often, it seemed to me, I was brought up short, like a horse in full stride suddenly refusing an obstacle, backing from the spurs, too shy even to put his nose at it and look at the thing.

And another image came to me, of an arctic hut and a trapper alone with his furs and oil lamp and log fire; the remains of supper on the table, a few books, skis in the corner; everything dry and neat and warm inside, and outside the last blizzard of winter raging and the snow piling up against the door. Quite silently a great weight forming against the timber; the bolt straining in its socket; minute by minute in the darkness outside the white heap sealing the door, until quite soon, when the wind dropped and the sun came out on the ice slopes and the thaw set in, a block would move, slide and tumble, high above, gather way, gather weight, till the whole hillside seemed to be falling, and the little lighted place would crash open and splinter and disappear, rolling with the avalanche into the ravine.

Lord Marchmain Receives the Last Sacraments
The priest took the little silver box from his pocket and spoke again in Latin, touching the dying man with an oily wad; he finished what he had to do, put away the box and gave the final blessing. Suddenly Lord Marchmain moved his hand to his forehead; I thought he had felt the touch of the chrism and was wiping it away. “O God,” I prayed, “don’t let him do that.” But there was no need for fear; the hand moved slowly down his breast, then to his shoulder, and Lord Marchmain made the sign of the cross. Then I knew that the sign I had asked for was not a little thing, not a passing nod of recognition, and a phrase came to me back from my childhood of the veil of the temple being rent from top to bottom.

Parting With Julia
While she was still upstairs Brideshead and Cordeia arrived from London; when at last we met alone it was by stealth, like young lovers.

Julia said: “Here in the shadow, in the corner of the stair — a minute to say good-bye.”

“So long to say so little.”

“You knew?”

“Since this morning; since before this morning; all this year.”

“I didn’t know till today. Oh, my dear, if you could only understand. Then I could bear to part, or bear it better. I should say my heart was breaking, if I believed in broken hearts. I can’t marry you, Charles; I can’t be with you ever again.”

“I know.”

“How can you know?”

“What will you do?”

“Just go on — alone. How can I tell what I shall do? You know the whole of me. You know I’m not one for a life of mourning. I’ve always been bad. Probably I shall be bad again, punished again. But the worse I am, the more I need God. I can’t shut myself out from His mercy. That is what it would mean; starting a life with you, without Him. One can only hope to see one step ahead. But I saw to-day there was one thing forgivable — like things in the schoolroom, so bad they are unpunishable, that only Mummy could deal with — the bad thing I was on the point of doing, that I’m not quite bad enough to do; to set up a rival good to God’s. Why should I be allowed to understand that, and not you, Charles? It may be because of Mummy, Nanny, Cordelia, Sebastian — perhaps Bridey and Mrs. Muspratt — keeping my name in their prayers; or it may be a private bargain between me and God, that if I give up this one thing I want so much, however bad I am, He won’t quite despair of me in the end.

“Now we shall both be alone, and I shall have no way of making you understand.”

“I don’t want to make it easier for you,” I said; “I hope your heart may break; but I do understand.”

The avalanche was down, the hillside swept bare behind it; the last echoes died on the white slopes; the new mound glittered and lay still in the silent valley.

Final Scene Charles Ryder
“Rightyoh. I say, did you say you knew this place before?”

“Yes very well. It belongs to friends of mine,” and as I said the words they sounded as odd in my ears as Sebastian’s had done, when, instead of saying, “It is my home;” he said, “It is where my family live.”

“It doesn’t seem to make any sense — one family in a place this size. What’s the use of it?”

“Well, I suppose Brigade are finding it useful.”

“But that’s not what it was built for, is it?”

“No,” I said, “not what it was built for. Perhaps that’s one of the pleasures of building, like having a son, wondering how he’ll grow up. I don’t know; I never built anything, and I forfeited the right to watch thy son grow up. I’m homeless, childless, middle-aged, loveless, Hooper.” He looked to see if I was being funny, decided that I was, and laughed. “Now go back to camp, keep out of the C.O.’s way, if he’s back from his recce, and don’t let on to anyone that we’ve made a nonsense of the morning?’

“Okey, Ryder?’

There was one part of the house I had not yet visited, and I went there now. The chapel showed no ill-effects of its long neglect; the art-nouveau paint was as fresh and bright, as ever; the art-nouveau lamp burned once more before the altar. I said a prayer, an ancient newly learned form of words, and left, turning towards the camp; and as I walked back, and the cook-house bugle sounded ahead of me, I thought: — The builders did not know the uses to which their work would descend; they made a new house with the stones of the old castle; year by year, generation after generation, they enriched and extended it; year by year the great harvest of timber in the park grew to ripeness; until, in sudden frost, came the age of Hooper; the place was desolate and the work all brought to nothing; Quomodo sedet sola civitas. Vanity of vanities, all is vanity.

And yet, I thought, stepping out more briskly towards the camp, where the bugles after a pause had taken up the second call and were sounding Pick-em-up, Pick-em-up, hot potatoes — and yet that is not the last word; it is not even an apt word; it is a dead word from ten years back.

Something quite remote from anything the builders intended has come out of their work, and out of the fierce little human tragedy in which I played; something none of us thought about at the time: a small red flame — a beaten-copper lamp of deplorable design, relit before the beaten-copper doors of a tabernacle; the flame which the old knights saw from their tombs, which they saw put out; that flame burns again for other soldiers, far from home, farther, in heart, than Acre or Jerusalem. It could not have been lit but for the builders and the tragedians, and there I found it this morning, burning anew among the old stones.

I quickened my pace and reached the hut which served us for our ante-room.

“You’re looking unusually cheerful to-day,” said the second in-command.

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Reading Selections from “René Girard for Holy Week” by Fr. Edward T. Oakes, S.J.

March 11, 2010

Edward T. Oakes, S.J., Ph.D.is Chester & Margaret Paluch Professor of Theology at the University of St. Mary of the Lake/Mundelein Seminary, the Catholic seminary for the Archdiocese of Chicago. As you know I have featured a number of posts on Girard, whose theories I find fascinating. In this article, published in First Things (You can find the original here.) back in 2007, he looks at Girardian theory from a Catholic perspective. Exactly what I was looking  for. I’ve grouped the posts on Girardian Theory in the category “Understanding Violence.”

A Key To All Mythologies
To read René Girard is to want to slap one’s forehead and say, “Of course, why didn’t I think of that?” If I might pump up the volume on my praise a bit more, he is the direct opposite of that sad figure in George Eliot’s masterpiece Middlemarch , the Rev. Mr. Casaubon, who spent his whole adult life pathetically trying to complete a “Key to All Mythologies,” a project that brought both him and his marriage to ruin. But Girard has pulled it off, at least in my estimation: Here we do have a key to all mythologies.

The Challenge of Blameless Tragedies
Although he started off as a medieval historian, Girard became more and more interested in literary criticism — to be sure, in the dreary debunking mode that would soon become the métier of the deconstructionists. But his outlook made a significant turn when, in the spring of 1959, he began work on a study of five novelists (Cervantes, Flaubert, Stendhal, Proust, and Dostoyevsky) that eventually was published as Desire, Deceit, and the Novel . He had been an agnostic for the previous twenty-six years, but a health scare forced him to reconsider his past convictions, abetted by the experience of his brother’s suicide earlier, where he noticed how difficult it was for his family to come to terms with that tragedy without apportioning blame.

The combination of these two events must have got under his skin while he was writing the book, for Desire, Deceit, and the Novel bears no resemblance to the poststructuralist efforts common in France at that time. As he recounted in an interview in 1997, he discovered that his earlier constant reliance on the “hermeneutics of suspicion” — always harping on the bad faith of the writers he was studying — was gradually leading him to a concept of original sin: “An experience of demystification if radical enough, is very close to an experience of conversion.” And so we are not surprised to learn that, while writing Desire, Deceit, and the Novel, he returned to his Catholic faith.

Mimetic Desire
As an added bonus, Desire, Deceit, and the Novel is brilliant, a tour de force of teeming insights, one piled on another — proof that literary criticism can sometimes make for a thrilling read. Taking a cue from Aristotle’s remark in his Poetics that “man is distinguished from the other animals by his capacity for imitation,” Girard saw how each of his chosen novelists depicted a protagonist who was besotted by a literary model he or she wanted to mimic.

Thus Don Quixote spent his life trying to emulate the fictional knight Amadis de Gaul; Madame Bovary modeled her life on the adulteresses she read about in romances; and the narrator in Proust’s In Search of Lost Time openly says, “I was incapable of seeing a thing unless a desire to do so had been aroused in me by reading.” In Notes from Underground , the narrator — a petty bureaucrat obsessed by what others (might) think of him — crashes a banquet put on by his former school chums (now mostly successful army officers) and tries to be noticed, all the while loathing them: “Smiling scornfully, I paced backwards and forwards on the side of the room opposite the sofa. . . . I was trying with all my might to show that I could do without them; meanwhile, I purposely made a clatter with my boots, coming down hard on my heels. But it was all in vain; they didn’t even notice.”

“Every man hath business and desire,” says Hamlet to Horatio, and that’s the key to Girard: Besides the needs we share with the other animals, we also have desires, or more exactly, learned desires — born purely out of imagination and mimicry — which Girard dubs “mimetic desires.” (Think here of the advertising and fashion industries, the “worship” of Hollywood stars, on and on, and everything Girard says falls into place.) But as Quixote, Bovary, and the “underground man” all show, these desires can never be fulfilled. In a deft formulation, Girard says that “masochists are always fascinated artisans of their own unhappiness.”

The Scapegoat
This inevitable frustration (trying to satisfy the demands of mimetic desires) always leads to resentment, which will collectively build up in society until it gets focused, like lightning in a charged atmosphere, and lands on a scapegoat. But the scapegoat can only purge this collective frustration when the sacrifice of the victim becomes society’s conscious act, meaning when the scapegoat is ritually slaughtered. This is the insight of Girard’s next great book Violence and the Sacred , whose title nicely encapsulates, and is encapsulated by, this central thesis: “Violence is the heart and secret soul of the sacred.”

Girard’s anthropological book is interesting in its own right, but I want to get to Girard’s later discussion of the Bible in perhaps his most theological work, I See Satan Fall Like Lightning . In this fascinating book, Girard shows no worries about some obvious formal parallels with the scapegoating rituals of other societies and the Christian doctrine of the Atonement.

Scapegoating And Christ’s Victimhood
He does not feel threatened by these parallels because he also sees a fundamental difference between scapegoating and Christ’s victimhood. In a provocative essay, “Nietzsche and the Crucified” (in The Girard Reader ), he remarks: “Resentment is the interiorization of weakened vengeance. Nietzsche suffers so much from it that he mistakes it for the original and primary form of vengeance. He sees resentment not merely as the child of Christianity, which it certainly is, but also as its father, which it certainly is not.”

Given the sordid history of Christian anti-Semitism, witch burning, heretic hunting, and the like, this gnomic passage might sound like special pleading on Girard’s part. But his retort to that more-than-obvious objection is subtle: Because of its doctrine of the Atonement, Christianity is uniquely placed to recognize these episodes as rank deviations from its true message; and thus it is from Christianity that society has learned to take the side of the victim. As he says in The Scapegoat:

The invention of science is not the reason that there are no longer witch-hunts, but the fact that there are no longer witch-hunts is the reason that science has been invented. The scientific spirit, like the spirit of enterprise in an economy, is a by-product of the profound action of the Gospel text. The modern Western world has forgotten [Christian] revelation in favor of its by-products, making them weapons and instruments of power; and now the process has turned against it. Believing itself a liberator, it discovers its role as a persecutor.

Liberalism’s Narcissistic Pro-Victim Indulgences
If you want to know why liberalism instinctively identifies with certain classes of favored victims but is so ruthless in its politics, there’s your answer. Crying crocodile tears over the genocide in Sudan is permitted provided we don’t do anything about it; and while we’re at it, let’s enjoy watching White House aides get their just deserts in court. Still, that’s better than approving the Islamist government of Sudan perpetrating the genocide. And that vestigial identification with the victim we owe to Christianity, however reluctant we are to act on our narcissistic pro-victim indulgences. As Michael Kirwin, author of a fine (if occasionally repetitious) monograph, Discovering Girard , says: When we see the scapegoating mechanism at work, this “makes us instinctive partisans for the victim. This history is the product not of an Enlightenment rationality, banishing the darkness of religious superstition, but of the evangelical impulse itself.” Even as early as Desire, Deceit, and the Novel, Girard was on to this liberal ruse:

Promethean philosophy sees in the Christian religion only a humanism which is still too timid for complete self-assertion. The novelist, regardless of whether he is a Christian, sees in the so-called modern humanism a subterranean metaphysics which is incapable of recognizing its own nature.

In another book, Things Hidden Since the Foundation of the World , Girard drives home this point even more polemically, when he points out that utopianism (that ultimate project of imaginative mimetic desire, now become a full-blown monstrous Leviathan) issues directly out of modern humanism and is its true “subterranean metaphysic”:

The more people think they are realizing the utopias dreamed up by their desire — in other words, the more they embrace ideologies of liberation — the more they will in fact be working to reinforce the competitive world that is stifling them. . . . All modern thought is falsified by a mystique of transgression, which it falls back into even when it is trying to escape.

Again, if you want to know why contemporary art keeps preening itself on its “daring transgressions,” you’ll find the answer in Girard. Also, if you’re a puzzled secularist, wondering why religion is making such a comeback in the headlines, you need only go to Girard for the answer. As Kirwin rightly notes: “Girard has explicitly distanced himself from Marcel Gauchet’s claim that Christianity has brought about the end of religion in the world. Rather, he suggests our current humanism will be perceived as merely a short interval between two forms of religion.” (I don’t think Girard has been at all taken off-guard by the resurgence of militant Islam.)

Of course, that still leaves open the question of what that “second form” of religion will look like in the future, to which Girard has only this quintessentially Christian answer to give: “What makes our hearts turn to stone is the discovery that, in one sense or another, we are all butchers pretending to be sacrificers. . . . One thing alone can put an end to this infernal ordeal, the certainty of being forgiven.”

So What Is God Doing In All This?

All well and good. I hope readers of this short panegyric will find Girard as helpful in their Holy Week meditations as I have. But I can’t help but feel that he has left one question hovering unaddressed: theology. As he said in a passing remark in the introduction to I See Satan Fall Like Lightning, “[This] present book means to be a defense of our Judaic and Christian tradition, an apology of Christianity rooted in what amounts to a Gospel-inspired breakthrough in the field of social science, not of theology.”

Perhaps I say this because I’m a theologian by craft, but that concession seems to leave a lot of questions hanging — above all this one: What is God doing in all this? After all, the Bible says that “God so loved the world that he sent his only Son” and that Christ “did not regard equality with God something to be grasped but emptied himself of his divinity, taking on the form of a man, indeed of a slave, being obedient unto death, even death on a cross.” Both these verses use active verbs and thereby assert a direct divine involvement in the cross. Indeed, this is what the doctrine of the Atonement as understood by all the ancient fathers and medieval theologians means. (Anselm is especially clear on this point.)

Hans Urs von Balthasar’s Criticism
Not surprisingly, that most Anselmian of contemporary theologians, the Swiss Catholic theologian Hans Urs von Balthasar, took issue with Girard on just this point — most directly in the fourth volume of his Theo-Drama , subtitled The Action (or “plot”). There he points out, tellingly, that in Violence and the Sacred the words God and Christ never appear (although Balthasar concedes God and Christ are present throughout the book implicitly). But, more to the point, Girard adopts a position on the Atonement, Balthasar claims, that is oddly redolent of the early Karl Barth:

Girard’s synthesis is a closed system, since it wants to be “purely scientific,” jettisoning all “moribund metaphysics.” All philosophy is secularized religion, and religion owes its existence to the covert scapegoat mechanism. There is therefore no such thing as a “natural” concept of God. This brings us back to the “theology” of the young Barth (and also to Barth’s later theology insofar as he regards the analogy of being “as the invention of the Anti-Christ”); for Girard, religion is the invention of Satan.

Yes, Girard is surely Catholic in his deepest instincts. He accepts Christ’s divinity and his birth from the Virgin, for example. But by accepting these doctrines, Balthasar points out, Girard has “explode[d] his allegedly pure scientism.” Perhaps this is why we always hear the words power and violence in Girard but rarely the word justice. “Can it be proved scientifically,” Balthasar asks, “that the justice for which men long is nothing but power in disguise?” (Odd how Girard echoes here not just the early Barth but also the mature Nietzsche.)

Here’s the real problem: By completely bracketing out the question of divine involvement in the event of the cross, Girard cannot make clear how Christ can bear the world’s sin “unless we suppose that men themselves load this sin onto him.” But, for Girard, what are these “sins” that men pile on him? Without an adequate concept of justice, whether philosophical or theological, Girard cannot even speak of sin, properly defined:

Girard maintains a complete hiatus between naturalism and theology; they are not even linked by an ethics. In his view, the “omnipresence of violence” means that distinction between “good” and “evil” is illusory [another Nietzschean motif!]. Accordingly, he does not speak of “sin” but of “hostility.”

All that said (and I think Balthasar’s objections hit their target), Girard is no doubt an immensely fertile thinker, even — and perhaps especially — for the theologian. A careful study of this prodigious mind opens up vistas that are hard to gainsay. Not least, he shows how superficial are those liberal objections to the Atonement, now heard so often, that the New Testament’s doctrine of the Atonement is but a Jewish or pagan projection of patriarchal child abuse onto the godhead. (Not for nothing do many feminists object to Girard, prompting one dissenter in their ranks, Jennifer L. Rike, to wonder aloud if their criticisms might not indicate a reluctance to confront the issue of violence in women as well as in men, as Kirwin rightly notes.)

The issue of sacrifice, no matter how primitive it might seem to us in our sanitized culture — where we studiously ignore even so obvious a fact as how meat reaches our tables — just won’t go away; in fact, it comes close to reaching the very core of the gospel. For making that clear in our obtuse age, we owe a debt of gratitude to Girard. As Balthasar says, “Girard’s system, with its clear, inherent contradictions, has brought us face to face with this very concrete question [of God's involvement in the Atonement], and to that extent it has rendered us a service.”

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The Reformation

March 10, 2010
 
In the “Parc des Bastions” in Geneva the “Mur de la Réformation” (Reformation Wall). It is dedicated, among others, to the four major Genevan reformers: Jean Calvin, the father of the reform; Guillaume Farel, the first to introduce the Reform in Geneva; Théodore de Bèze, successor of Calvin; and John Knox, founder of Scottish Presbyterianism. 
 
Another selection of topics about Church history from David Bentley Hart’s The Story of Christianity.

From the late 11th century onward, the power and wealth of the Catholic Church continued to grow. Not only was the Church in every nation a large landholder and an ally of princes, but the papacy itself was an armed state; and many men whose concerns and motives were anything but spiritual aspired to the papal crown. The 15th and 16th centuries were marred by several corrupt pontificates, and even the most pious Catholics could hardly be unaware that their Church was often in the hands of deplorable men. By the late 15th century there was a strong desire among many of the faithful for reform.

The call for reform was, in fact, first issued more than a century before the Protestant Reformation began. In England,JohnWycliffe (c. 1330-84) argued that the Church should surrender its riches, serve rather than profit from the poor and acknowledge scripture as its sole source of doctrinal authority His theology, moreover, was cast in the mould of that of the late Augustine: he believed firmly in predestination and in the impotence of human works to earn any merit before God. The latter position especially seemed to derogate certain of the Church’s penitential disciplines, as well as a practice increasingly common after the 11th century: the granting of indulgences. These were ‘certificates’ of remission of the ‘temporal punishment’ (the penance) due for sin, given in return for meritorious service or gifts made to the Church in a sincere spirit of contrition. The Bohemian theologian Jan Hus (c. 1370-1413), a leader of the Czech reform movement, was sentenced to the stake by the Council of Constance for propounding similar ideas, and for attacking the sale of indulgences in Bohemia in 1412.

A century later, however, circumstances were more propitious for the cause of reform. The steady growth of the middle class had produced a greater number of educated, financially independent and politically enfranchised Catholics. More importantly, the early modern period was the age of the full emergence of the nation state in Europe; monarchs began to claim ‘absolute’ power for themselves, and an inviolable sovereignty for their nations. Older, ‘feudal’ notions of overlapping spheres of authority with reciprocal responsibilities, and subject to a higher authority in spiritual matters, had become rather passé; and the princes of Europe had begun to resent the two transnational authorities that still presumed to interfere in their affairs: the Holy Roman Empire and the Church.

The French crown — the most absolutist of all European monarchies — effectively subdued the Church in its territories by forcing Rome to consent in 1438 and 1516 to concordats that, among other things, gave the king authority over ecclesial appointments in France and restricted papal jurisdiction over French bishops. In Spain, too, from 1486 on, the power of the crown over the Spanish Catholic Church was all but total. And much the same was true in Portugal. In lands, however, where the Catholic Church could not so easily be subdued — as in England or the German states — the idea of a Church establishment directly subordinate to the monarch exercised a very definite appeal; and in those lands, the cause of Reformation often thrived.

 
 

Martin Luther

Martin Luther
The one nun who can be called the father of the Protestant Reformation — at least, in its German variant — is the monk, priest and theologian Martin Luther (1483-1546). Luther came from a moderately comfortable bourgeois background, received sound schooling, took his Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees from the University of Erfurt, and in 1503 (supposedly to keep a vow he made when caught in a terrifying thunderstorm) joined the Order of Augustinian Hermits. In 1508, the Order sent him to the University of Wittenberg, where he encountered a number of scholars who were openly hostile to much of the metaphysics (and in particular the Aristotelianism) of Medieval scholasticism. In 1510, moreover, he visited Rome on behalf of his Order, and was deeply disturbed by the licentiousness of the superior hierarchy, the irreverence of the Roman clergy and the sheer worldliness of Italian Renaissance culture.

In 1512, he took his doctorate and assumed the chair in biblical theology but his professional eminence apparently brought him no great satisfaction. By his own account, he was haunted by an unendurable feeling of unworthiness and guilt, a sense of his own impurities of thought and will and a deep fear of God’s displeasure. He was delivered from his anxieties only when his readings of Paul led him to the conclusion that divine justice — unlike human justice — is a power that gratuitously makes the sinner just, and that it is not by works, but by faith, that one is justified. Here, he believed, he had discovered the true joyous tidings of the gospel: that human beings are not saved by their efforts to make themselves good in the eyes of God (an impossibility in any event), but by God’s free gift of forgiveness.

Theological Differences
Over the next few years, Luther’s hostility to scholastic method increased, his preference for Augustine’s theology became more pronounced and his theology of justification by grace alone became more emphatic. But none of this would necessarily have led to a rupture within the Church had it not been for the ‘indulgences controversy’. In 1476, the pope had allowed the merit vouchsafed by an indulgence to be applied to the soul of a person enduring ‘temporal punishment’ in Purgatory. The idea of Purgatory — that the soul undergoes a period of purgation after death for undischarged venial sins — had deep roots in Western Catholic tradition and had been given clear definition at the Councils of Lyon and Florence. But the proclamation that one might secure remission from such punishment in exchange for financial contributions was obviously little more than a cynical scheme for generating revenue. Reacting to the especially shameless methods of one seller of indulgences, Luther in 1517 wrote his ‘Ninety-Five Theses’, a series of academic propositions for debate that suggested, rather cautiously, that such indulgences reflected a defective theology of grace.

The dispute that followed was unexpectedly fierce, in part because some of Luther’s colleagues and allies were somewhat less circumspect than he was. Luther enjoyed the favor and protection of the Elector of Saxony Frederick III (1463-1525), but even so was obliged to go into hiding when it seemed he might be extradited from Augsburg — to which he had been summoned to defend his theses — to Rome. But the debate he had sparked could not now be extinguished, in large part because the new technology of the printing press had made his views known well beyond the close confines of the world of academic theology. In 1520, Rome issued a papal bull condemning a number of Luther’s teachings. Luther responded by writing three especially provocative treatises — one calling on the secular princes of Germany to convene a council of reform, one denouncing a variety of Catholic teachings regarding the number of sacraments, the power of the pope and the authority of scripture, and one proclaiming the freedom of the Christian conscience — and by burning the bull in public. In January 1521, Rome promulgated a second bull, excommunicating Luther. Frederick III, however, convinced the Holy Roman emperor to allow Luther to defend himself before the Imperial Diet in Worms before recognizing the bull; and Luther — despite the apprehension of many of his friends — obeyed the emperor’s summons.

Christian and Human Freedom
Thomas Müntzer (1490-1525) – a contemporary and, briefly, an admirer of Luther – was a priest and scholar who had himself begun agitating for reform as early as 1519, but who believed that the reformation of which Luther spoke could be complete only if it included a programme of social amelioration. Luther, after all, wrote movingly of the freedom of the Christian from the burden of the law; but such freedom surely involved more than mere spiritual consolation.

Müntzer soon became convinced that his pastoral vocation obliged him to act as an advocate for the poor against the abuses of the rich and increasingly he came to believe that the highest authority for the Christian was not the Church, or even simply scripture, but the voice of the Holy Spirit speaking to the individual conscience. And by 1522 he became convinced that it was the will of God that a holy war should be waged by the poor against the social and political order. Ultimately, when a large peasant revolt broke out in Thuringia in 1525 — one that briefly established a fairly large alliance of ‘commoners’ and even took control of certain towns — Müntzer was among its leaders.

Luther was deeply shaken by the teachings of Müntzer and other of the radical reformers. In 1523, he.wrote a short treatise titled “Of Worldly Governance in which he firmly asserted that civil authority is instituted by God, and rebellion against that authority is a grave sin. He was not by any means unsympathetic to complaints of the rebels even if his own views were  not particularly egalitarian; over many years, the peasants of Germany had been deprived of many of the common rights that had been theirs since the early Middle Ages and had  consequently been left it the mercy of userers and landlords.  But when the revolt began,  Luther nevertheless exhorted the peasants to desist from rebellion and when they did not, he wrote a scorching tract — ‘Against the Murdering and Thieving Hordes of Peasants — in which he encouraged the legal authorities to slaughter the rebels without pity.

On 15 May 1525, at the Battle of Frankenhausen the revolt was decisively defeated . Müntzer was captured tortured, tried and executed. He did not recant his teachings, however; and Luther did not mourn his passing.

The Growth of the Reformation
The Protestant Reformation was an immense but not a unified — religious, social and political movement. The spectrum of Protestant theology admitted of countless variants and intensities, from the most moderate and cautious to the most extreme and reckless.

The Magisterial Reforms — that is, the Lutheran and the Calvinist — rejected certain practices and doctrines of the Catholic Church but still affirmed all the classic dogmas and practices of the early Church: the Trinity, the two natures of Christ, infant baptism and so on. Both, moreover, were profoundly Augustinian in their theologies. But other reform movements were not so bound to tradition.

Reformation In Germany
When Luther arrived in Worms in April 1521 to appear before the Imperial Diet, not only was he greeted by crowds of supporters, his entourage included a large number of German knights. If, though, Emperor Charles V (1500-58) was impressed by this display of popular support, he did not show it; instead he simply instructed Luther to recant. Luther, in the presence of the Diet, refused, saying that, unless it could be proved to him from scripture that he had erred, he was bound by conscience to hold firm. Debate could not move him, and the Diet (no doubt noting that many of Luther’s companions were ‘men of action’) allowed him to depart; in his absence, however, the Diet declared him an outlaw — a decision that forced him to go into hiding for almost a year. He continued to write during this time, however, and began his German translation of the Bible. The Reformation — or ‘Evangelical Movement’ — in the German principalities was now an inexorable force. From 1526 onwards, with some predictable vacillations, the emperor was increasingly obliged to concede the princes of Germany the right to govern the churches in their domains as their consciences dictated. In 1531, moreover, the Protestant princes formed the Schmalkaldic League, a defensive alliance, and in 1532, anxious over a possible Turkish invasion, the emperor agreed to an official truce with the Reformers (which lasted until 1544).

Under the pen of Luther, the principles of the movement became ever clearer: the ‘priesthood of all believers’, the complete dependency of the soul on God’s grace, unmerited election to salvation, the ‘bondage of the will’ of fallen humanity (either to the devil or to God), the ‘freedom of the Christian’. salvation by faith and not by works, and the uselessness of such Catholic forms of ‘works righteousness’ as penance, the ‘sacrifice of the mass’ and clerical celibacy. One distinctive feature of Luther’s theology — and so of the Evangelical Church — was his insistence on the real presence of Christ in the bread and wine of the Eucharist, a position he defended on the Christological grounds that, in the incarnation, Christ’s humanity came to share perfectly in all the attributes of his divinity (including omnipresence). He preferred to speak of this presence, though, as occurring ‘with’ the substances of the bread and wine (a position known as ‘consubstantiation’) rather than as displacing those substances with the substances of Christ’s body and blood (‘transubstantiation’).

With the help of intellectual allies such as Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560), the brilliant humanist scholar who reformed the German educational system, Luther was able to create a genuinely Evangelical culture for the Protestant German states and Scandinavia. He remained a controversialist to the end, attacking enemies with the same zeal with which he preached the free gift of divine grace. His denunciations of the papacy — an institution ‘founded by the devil’ — of radical reformers and of Jews became, if anything, more intemperate as he aged. But at his death he left behind him a distinct, independent and doctrinally cogent Protestant Church.

Swiss Reformation
The other major stream of the ‘Magisterial Reformation’ is that which flowed from Switzerland, now principally associated with John Calvin (1509-64).A more important figure, though, for the rise of the Reformed tradition in Switzerland was Huldrych Zwingli (1484-1531), the priest and humanist scholar who, as early as 1516, began preaching against clerical abuses, and whose sermons ‘from true, divine scripture’, starting in 1520, inaugurated a popular movement in Switzerland against such practices as priestly celibacy and the keeping of fasts. In Zurich, from 1523, he succeeded in bringing about liturgical reforms, the stripping of the churches of images and of organs, the institution of Bible study and the taking of wives by many of the clergy (including Zwingli himself). He taught that doctrinal authority lies in the Bible alone, that the Church has no head but Christ, that prayers for the dead are of no avail, that the doctrine of Purgatory is unscriptural and that the Eucharist is in no sense a ‘sacrifice’. His understanding of original sin was rather like that of the Greek fathers, in that he denied that it involved any inheritance of aboriginal guilt. Like Luther, he taught that justification is a free gift of God’s grace alone. Unlike Luther, he denied the real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the elements of the Eucharist, and argued that the human and divine natures in Christ remain eternally distinct in their attributes and operations. And Zwingli’s teachings had spread to other cantons within Switzerland, and had helped to give form to a distinctively Swiss Reformed Church well before his death in battle, as a military chaplain, in 1564. 

 
 
 

Portrait of John Calvin, 19th Century

Calvin
The most important figure in the next generation of Reformers was, of course, John Calvin. As a young man in Paris, Calvin was active in the movement for reform within the Catholic Church, as a result of which he found it prudent to leave France in 1533. He went to Basel in Switzerland, where he came to adopt a more purely Protestant view of things. From 1536 to 1538 he lived in Geneva, where he worked on behalf of the city’s nascent reformation until the (Protestant, but tepidly so) city council expelled him. He sojourned in Strasbourg, Germany until 1541,when Geneva invited him to return to help overcome the city’s resistance — or indifference to the Reformed cause.

In Geneva, Calvin was able — despite occasional conflict arid failure to create a Church organization and social order consonant with his theological vision. Churches were run by elders, duly constituted pastors preached and taught, and deacons looked after the needs of the community. Moreover, the Genevans’ morals were now matters not only of social concern hut of criminal law: licentiousness, dancing, gambling, profane speech, improprieties of dress or comportment, irreverence or blasphemy, absence from church and all other forms of moral laxity were to be reported by community invigilators and punished by magistrates, often in a vividly public way. And false doctrine was not to be tolerated. These measures point to certain profound differences between the Lutheran and Calvinist understandings of grace. Luther might well have regarded many of Calvin’s vice laws as signs of an excessive anxiety regarding personal righteousness, and even as a form of justification by works. Calvin, though, believed that the gift of justification really makes men and women righteous, and that any society made up of the elect should reflect the sanctity instilled in human hearts by grace, as evidence of God’s workings.

In most respects, the elements of Calvin’s theology were typically Protestant: the unique authority of scripture, the absolute gratuity of justification, the impotence of the human will to merit salvation, the uselessness of fasts and penances, and predestination. In this last case, though, Calvin’s emphasis differed from that of Luther. No other theologian ever put so great a stress upon the sheer sovereignty of God, as an explanation of the mystery of God’s actions in creation and redemption. He went so far as to assert that God eternally foreordained even the original fall of humanity from grace, that he might by the working of his will display the glory of his sovereignty in the gratuitous salvation of the elect and in the fitting damnation of the derelict. This theology of absolute divine sovereignty became one of the most characteristic features of the high Reformed tradition.

The Curious Case of Michael Servetus
Whatever the Magisterial Reformation was, it certainly was not a movement for greater freedom of conscience — much less freedom of religion. The aim of reform was a stricter adherence to the rule of scripture (as interpreted by reforming theologians) and a renewal of piety and moral purpose among the faithful. But Protestant regimes were no more tolerant of aberrant theological opinions than were their Catholic counterparts.

Prime evidence of this would be the case of Michael Servetus (c. 1510-53), the Spanish physician, scholar of science, astrologer, discoverer of blood circulation and amateur theologian who — though a Catholic and attracted to the cause-of reform — offended against Protestant and Catholic orthodoxy alike by publishing two books (the first in 1531 ,the second in 1532) attacking the doctrine of the Trinity. and proposing in its place a kind of complex Unitarianism.

In 1534, a proposed debate in Paris between Servetus and John Calvin failed to -materialize, but Servtus clearly came in the years that followed to regard Calvin as his natural theological interlocutor. In 1546, he sent the manuscript of his treatise ‘The Restoration of Christianity’(which attacked Nicene theology as extra biblical) to Calvin in Geneva and attempted to initiate a dialogue by post. After a few exchanges, however; Calvin terminated the correspondence and even refused to return the manuscript: he also vowed to his fellow Genevan reformer Guillaume Farel (1489-1565) that, if Servetus ever came to Geneva, he would not be allowed to leave alive.

Calvin was as good as his word. In 1553, Servetus fleeing the inquisitor in Lyon entered Geneva where he was recognized, arrested and put on trial for heresy. Calvin argued forcefully in favor of execution, and — enraged by Servetus’ defense of his positions before the court — peevishly remarked that he would have liked to see the Spaniard’s eyes scratched out by chickens.

Servetus was convicted and sentenced to be burned at the stake. To his credit, perhaps, Calvin expressed a preference for quick and merciful decapitation. This did not prevent him later, however, from mocking Servetus’ cries of torment amid the flames.

‘For I do not disguise it that I considered it my duty to put a check  so far as I  could, upon this most obstinate and ungovernable man, that his contagion might not spread further.
John Calvin. Letter Regarding Servitus 
September 1553

The Anabaptists and the Catholic Reformation
Though it is not uncommon to think of the Reformation as a movement more or less exhausted by the two main schools of the ‘Magisterial Reformation’ — the Lutheran and the Calvinist — it was in fact a larger and more diverse historical phenomenon. Not only was reform not limited to the institutions of the German and Swiss Protestant churches; it was not confined to Protestantism. If Lutheranism and Calvinism together constituted the ‘broad middle’ of the Reformation, to their ‘left’ lay a number of more radical Protestantisms, and to their ‘right’ the reform movement within the Catholic Church.

The name commonly applied to the majority of ‘radical’ or ‘free’ Protestant reformers was ‘Anabaptists’, which means ‘Re-baptizers’. The name derives from the fact that these reformers taught that baptism — being the emblem of a sincere conversion of the heart to faith in Christ — could be undertaken only by adults; hence they performed baptisms on persons who had already been baptized as infants. (This was, incidentally, a capital crime for baptizer and baptized alike.) They rejected the term Anabaptist, however, on the not unreasonable grounds that, according to their beliefs, they had never truly been baptized before they themselves freely consented to the ritual. As a rule, this branch of the Reformation — at least in its earliest forms — was deeply influenced by Zwingli’s theology Its followers therefore felt no great anxiety in withholding baptism from their own children, since they believed that no guilt could attach to the soul before the age of reason. Unlike Zwingli, however, Anabaptist communities tended towards political and social separatism, and regarded civil allegiances, litigations, military service and civil oaths as contrary to genuine Christian adherence. Some of them were political radicals as well, inspired by a theocratic Messianism, but in general they were non–violent on principle. And, inasmuch as their views were repugnant to Catholic and Protestant authorities alike, they were persecuted by both. If any 16th century Western communion could identify itself with the ‘Church of the martyrs’, it was theirs.

The Swiss Brethren
One of the earliest Anabaptist communities was the Swiss Brethren, founded in Zurich by the humanist scholar Konrad Grebel (c. 1498–1526), an early admirer of Zwingli who became disenchanted with the graduality and moderate nature of the latter’s reforms (and his acceptance of infant baptism). In January 1525, in defiance of the admonitions of the city council, Grebel began administering baptism to persons ‘already’ baptized, His movement spread, but he was twice prosecuted and jailed, was constantly harassed and died young. His example, though, inspired Balthasar Hubmaier (1485-1528), a German Anabaptist who in 1521 became one of the leaders of the Swiss movement — only to be arrested in Zurich in 1525 and forced to recant — and then became a leader of the Anabaptist movement in Moravia (where conditions were not so adverse). He was burned at the stake in Vienna in 1528.

A more radical and less peaceful strain of Anabaptism drew inspiration from the teachings of Melchior Hoffman (c. 1495-1543), the German lay theologian — originally an ally of Luther and promoter of the German Reformation — whose conviction that he was living at the end of time led him to evolve a particularly eschatological interpretation of the reform movement, and finally to embrace Anabaptism. His beliefs, however, were eccentric even among the Anabaptists: he prophesied that Christ would return in 1533, and that he — Hoffman — would establish the New Jerusalem in Strasbourg.

That very city evidently insensible of the honor it had been accorded, placed Hoffman in prison, where he died a decade later. Nevertheless, his teachings won some particularly zealous adherents, with occasionally violent consequences — such as the brief, bloody history of the ‘kingdom’ founded by Anabaptist radicals in Münster in 1534 — which served only to provoke fiercer persecutions of the Anabaptists in both Catholic and Protestant lands.

Yet the Anabaptists were, by overwhelming majority convinced pacifists. Typical of the movement was Menno Simonsz (1496-1561), the Dutch founder of the Mennonites. Menno was ordained a priest in 1524, but by 1528 had become convinced of the validity of many Reformation principles, and ultimately came to embrace the doctrine of adult baptism. There were radicals among the Dutch Anabaptists, however, some of whom were involved in insurrectionary activities leading, in 1535, to an engagement with Dutch soldiers that left several persons dead. Menno openly denounced the behavior of the radicals, arguing that violence was forbidden to Christians, and that all baptized men and women were called to lives of charity, even under persecution.

Menno himself probably submitted to ‘re-baptism’ in early 1537. About the same time, he was ordained as an Anabaptist pastor and took a wife. Thereafter, branded a heretic in every nation, he lived the life of a fugitive. Men could be executed if convicted of sheltering him. In 1542, Emperor Charles V put a price on his head. And yet Menno continued to write and preach with a rare eloquence, and died of natural causes 23 years after his ‘apostasy’.

Münster
After Meichior Hoffman s imprisonment in Strasbourg, one of the few German cities to which his followers and other Anabaptists could safely retreat was Münster in Westphalia The influential Lutheran preacher in the city, Bernhard Rothman (1495—1535), had Anabaptist leanings, and as a result of his teachings the city council became a majority Anabaptist assembly in 1533

The radicals who came to Munster were led by two Dutch Anabaptists, Jan Mathijsz (d 1534) and John Beuckelszoon (d 1536) — better known as ‘John of Leiden’ — who declared the city the New Jerusalem and introduced adult baptism in January 1534. The next month, the radicals seized control of the city hail appointed one of their own — Bernhard Knipperdolling (c 1495-1535) — as mayor expelled many infidels instituted a theocracy and began to proclaim their intention of conquering the world (with God’s help, of course).

The region’s prince bishop. Franz deWaldeck, laid siege to the rebellious city. In April, on Easter Sunday, Mathijsz prophesied that God would use him as an instrument of heavenly justice against the enemies of the New Jerusalem, and with a retinue of 30 men rode out against the besieging army. He and his men were all promptly killed. — His body was decapitated and castrated, his head impaled on a pole outside the city wails, and his genitals nailed to the city gate.

Undeterred, John of Leiden declared Münster a ‘kingdom of a thousand years’ and the new Zion of God, proclaimed himself its king (after the order of King David and instituted such ‘Christian’ ordinances as the dissolution of all private property. in favor of a community of goods, and polygamy. He himself took 16 wives (one of whom, however, he was obliged to behead with his own hands in the public square; on account of some transgression or other).

In June 1535, the city was taken by a combined force of Catholic and Lutheran soldiers. The following January. three of the Anabaptist leaders of the city — including King John of Leiden -. were hideously tortured and put to death: their flayed bodies were then displayed in iron cages suspended from the steeple of St Lambert’s Church. and left there until only bones .remained.

The Catholic Reformation
In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Catholic Church instituted changes in Church discipline, undertook liturgical reforms, rooted out internal corruption and abuses, and promulgated a number of clarifications of its doctrines and practices. This movement for spiritual and institutional renewal is often spoken of as the ‘Counter—Reformation’, but this is a misleading term; for, though many of the Catholic doctrinal pronouncements of the time were responses to Protestant theological claims, the movement for reform in the Church antedated the schisms of the 16th century, and the advocates of reform within the Church had riot disappeared as a result of those schisms. Many in the Catholic hierarchy and in the ranks of the educated laity deplored clerical malfeasances, ‘superstitions’, hypocrisies and spiritual sloth no less than the Protestant Reformers, but did not share the latter’s theological convictions or understanding of the Church.

Men like the Dutch Catholic humanist Desiderius Erasmus (1469-1536) and his friend the English humanist and statesman Sir Thomas More (1477-1533) — both contemporaries of Luther — were strong champions of Church reform, but were equally strong opponents of schism and of the severe late Augustinianism of Luther’s understanding of sin and grace. Erasmus was inspired especially by the writings of the Greek Church Fathers, and by their spiritual exegesis of scripture. He detested the corruption of the papacy, excessive clericalism, sectarian persecution, ecclesial peculation and the obscurantism of many established forms of Catholic piety but he disliked fanaticism and division as well. He and Luther were early admirers of one another, but they disagreed fundamentally in their reading of St Paul and on the issue of the freedom of the fallen will. Thomas More — famously ‘martyred’ under King Henry VIII (1491-1547) — shared Erasmus’ enthusiasm for biblical and patristic scholarship and for Church reform, but was far more censorious of Luther and his fellow ‘schismatics’.

The work of Church reform, however, was largely the work not of humanists, but of monks and nuns. New religious orders and renewals of existing orders were the chief engines of a spiritual regeneration that spread throughout the Catholic world in the 16th century, producing men such as St Ignatius of Loyola (1491-1536) or the great Spanish Carmelite mystic (and Spain’s greatest lyric poet) St John of the Cross (1542-91) or the Jesuit spiritual writer St Francis de Sales (1567-l622).And the great zeal for missions abroad inspired by this revival ultimately helped lead to the global ubiquity and immense demography of the modern Roman Catholic Church.

The great institutional renewal of the Roman Church, though, began when Pope Paul III (1468-1549) convoked the Council of Trent in 1545.This council continued (with occasional interruptions) under a number of popes until 1563. It instituted a massive reform and regularization of the ‘Western liturgy, dealt systematically with a number of clerical abuses, forbade the sale of indulgences, prescribed the proper pastoral duties of bishops and priests, established definitively the canon of the Bible and dictated the sort of education to be provided for priests. The council also, however, reaffirmed many doctrines controverted by the Protestant reformers: Purgatory, Christ’s real presence in the Eucharistic elements (by ‘transubstantiation’ rather than by ‘consubstantiation’), the existence of seven sacraments, the supremacy of papal authority and so on. Most importantly, the council rejected Luther’s teachings on justification, asserting the reality of human freedom in the work of redemption, the indispensability of good works and the need for the co-operation of the will set free by grace. Moreover, it did this with so thorough and plenteous an exposition from scripture that no Protestant theologian — however much he might disagree with the council’s conclusions — could plausibly doubt the centrality of the Bible in its deliberations.

The Council of Trent 1545-1563

 

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Reading Selections from DOSTOEVSKY AND MEMORY ETERNAL by Donald Sheehan

March 9, 2010
 

 

Father Pavel Alexandrovich Florensky was a Russian Orthodox priest, theologian, philosopher, mathematician, and scientist who was martyred during the Bolshevik purges of the 1930s. Russian gulag files in 1933.

DONALD SHEEHAN, Ph.D, teaches writing at Dartmouth University, and he is also the director of the Robert Frost Place in Franconia, NH. Professor Sheehan is an ordained Sub-Deacon in the Eastern Orthodox Church, serving at a small mission parish in mid-Vermont. In this lecture, he connects the final scene of Dostoevsky’s The Brother’s Karamazov to the funeral service in the Eastern Orthodox Church, in order to explore the nature of personhood in both Dostoevsky and the Orthodox faith. The complete lecture is here.

Memory Eternal
The Orthodox Christian funeral hymn, “Memory Eternal” concludes Dostoevsky’s great, final novel, The Brothers Karamazov, when, following the funeral of the boy whom Alyosha Karamazov (and the circle of schoolboys around Alyosha) had deeply loved, Alyosha speaks to the boys about the funeral and about the meaning of the resurrection, with this brief song as their steady focus.

Being Remembered by the Lord
We can best approach the meaning of this song through following the connection between the Orthodox funeral services and the crucifixion of Christ. Fr. Pavel Florensky, recently canonized by the Church in Russia, articulated the connnection by first asking, “What did the wise thief ask for on the cross?” and then answering by quoting from St. Luke’s Gospel: “Lord, remember me when Thou comest in Thy kingdom.”  Florensky then continues:

“And in answer, in satisfaction of his wish, his wish to be remembered, the Lord witnesses: ‘Verily, I say unto thee, Today shalt thou be with me in Paradise.’ In other words, “to be remembered” by the Lord is the same thing as “to be in Paradise.” “To be in Paradise” is to be in eternal memory and, consequently, to have eternal existence and therefore an eternal memory of God. Without remembrance of God we die, but our remembrance of God is possible only through God’s remembrance of us.

The Relational Reality Of All Personhood
We are persons, says the Orthodox Church, because we fulfill the three conditions of all existence. These three conditions were articulated in the third century A.D. by the Orthodox Fathers known as the Cappadocians. They are summed up in this way by J. D. Zizioulas in his wonderful essay called “The Contribution of Cappadocia to Christian Thought”:

We are persons because we know ourselves as foundationally free, under not even the tiniest bondage to, or limitation of, either earthly history or the material world – a freedom even prior to and greater than the Church herself because (as Zizioulas says) such freedom “constitutes the ‘way of being’ of God Himself.”

We are persons because we can give ourselves freely and entirely to another in self – emptying love; that is, we can voluntarily surrender all our selfhood entirely into the hands of another in the action of loving that other. Zizioulas puts it beautifully: “Love is a relationship, it is the free coming out of one’s self, the breaking of one’s will, a free submission to the will of another.”

We are persons when we understand ourselves as wholly unique, as entirely unrepeatable and forever irreplaceable. As members of a species we are merely replaceable and countable individuals in a set: biological, historical, or sociopolitical. As members of a set (or sets), we can be compelled to serve extrinsic, even hostile, purposes; we can, that is, be treated as things. But as persons, we are unique and unrepeatable; hence, we cannot (as Zizioulas says) “be composed or decomposed, combined or used for any objective whatsoever”(35).

These three conditions of personhood – foundational freedom, self-emptying love, and absolute uniqueness – shed great light on what the Orthodox Church – and Dostoevsky – mean by the phrase “Memory Eternal.” It means this: in the same way that the wise thief achieves personhood by entering into loving Christ freely (and this freedom is emphasized in the crucifixion scene as everyone else mocking Christ while the thief freely and deliberately chooses to love), just so we become persons in freely surrendering our own will, in an action of love, into the hands of another.

Personhood In The Brothers Karamazov
Dostoevsky gives beautiful expression to this Orthodox understanding of personhood early in The Brothers Karamazov when he describes the relation between Alyosha Karamazov and his spiritual father, the Elder Zosima. “What, then,” asks the narrator, “is an elder?” He answers:

An elder is one who takes your soul, your will into his soul and into his will. Having chosen an elder, you renounce your will and give it under total obedience and with total self-renunciation. A man who dooms himself to this trial, this terrible school of life, does so voluntarily, in the hope that after the long trial he will achieve self-conquest, self-mastery to such a degree that he will, finally, through a whole life’s obedience, attain to perfect freedom – that is, freedom from himself – and avoid the lot of those who live their whole lives without finding themselves in themselves.

This perfectly expresses the Orthodox understanding of the relational reality of personhood. And the whole of The Brothers Karamazov can usefully be read as a vast commentary on this single passage. At age 19, Alyosha Karamazov struggles to achieve the “perfect freedom” found only in loving obedience to his spiritual father, the Elder Zosima. At age 28, Dmitri at first rejects the Orthodox way of personhood by plunging into a life of entirely autonomous desires and their endlessly self-willed fulfillment. But then, in the course of the novel, he discovers a profounder and more directly Orthodox experience when he discovers the relational reality of personhood through his love of Grushenka. The middle brother, Ivan, age 24, rejects the ways of both his brothers in the name of a still more terrifying autonomy: not the passional autonomy his older brother Dmitri attempts but a spiritual autonomy, one wherein he asserts his own will as more perfective than God’s will in creating the world. Ivan’s spiritual and psychic agony in the novel’s final 100 pages stands as Dostoevsky’s revelation of what inevitably happens to those who attempt to deny or unmake the Orthodox reality of relational personhood. It is the attempt to unmake Memory Eternal through self-willed oblivion.

Dmitri’s Revelatory Speech
Consider that astonishing moment in the novel when Dmitri, having been falsely arrested and imprisoned for two months for the murder of his father (and about to be wrongly convicted of it), says this to his brother Alyosha who visits him in prison:

“Rakitin wouldn’t understand this,” he began, all in a sort of rapture, as it were, “but you, you will understand everything. That’s why I’ve been thirsting for you. . . . Brother, in these past two months I’ve sensed a new man in me, a new man has arisen in me! He was shut up inside me, but if it weren’t for this thunderbolt, he never would have appeared. Frightening! What do I care if I spend twenty years pounding out iron ore in the mines, I’m not afraid of that at all, but I’m afraid of something else now: that this risen man not depart from me! Even there, in the mines, underground, you can find a human heart in the convict and murderer standing next to you, and you can be close to him, because there, too, it’s possible to live, and love, and suffer! You can revive and resurrect the frozen heart in this convict, you can look after him for years, and finally bring up from the cave into the light a soul that is lofty now, a suffering consciousness. You can revive an angel, resurrect a hero! And there are many of them, there are hundreds, and we’re all guilty for them! Why did I have a dream about a ‘wee one’ at such a moment? ‘Why is the wee one poor?’ It was a prophecy to me at that moment! It’s for the ‘wee one’ that I will go. Because everyone is guilty for everyone else. For all the ‘wee ones,’ because there are little children and big children. All people are ‘wee ones.’ And I’ll go for all of them, because there must be someone who will go for all of them. I didn’t kill father, but I must go. I accept! All of this came to me here . . . Within these peeling walls. And there are many, there are hundreds of them, underground, with hammers in their hands. Oh, yes, we’ll be in chains, and there will be no freedom, but then, in our great grief, we will arise once more into joy, without which it’s not possible for man to live, or for God to be, for God gives joy, it’s his prerogative, a great one. . . .”

Three strands from this complex and revelatory speech:

  1. The first strand occurs when Dmitri says: “A new man has arisen in me! He was shut up inside me, but if it weren’t for this thunderbolt, he would never have appeared.” This newly risen (or resurrected) self is, above all, a remembered self; that is, it is a self that was always “shut up inside” him but that could only be made manifest – i.e., be remembered – by the “thunderbolt” of relationality let loose by his father’s death.
  2. Hence, the second strand: “I didn’t kill father, but I must go. I accept!” The walls of autonomy are here fully breached as Dmitri voluntarily accepts the Orthodox reality wherein “everyone is guilty for everyone else” because each person possesses personhood only relationally. The result in Dmitri is the rush of understanding that, as the false freedom of self-willed autonomy vanishes, genuine joy arrives.
  3. Here is the third strand: “Oh, yes, we’ll be in chains, and there will be no freedom, but then, in our great grief, we will arise once more into joy, without which it’s not possible for man to live, or for God to be. . . .” This third strand explicitly links the arrival of real joy to the ending of false freedom, a joy that is essential, Dmitri says, to both human life and divine being. Together, these three strands – the resurrected self; the relational self; and the joyful self – are the three defining aspects of personhood in The Brothers Karamazov. And all three aspects can be best understood – in Dostoevsky and in Orthodox Christendom – as aspects of the meaning of Memory Eternal.

Pavel Florensky [Father Pavel Alexandrovich Florensky was a Russian Orthodox priest, theologian, philosopher, mathematician, and scientist who was martyred during the Bolshevik purges of the 1930s.] opens yet another dimension of this meaning when he says: “‘My eternal memory’ means both God’s ‘eternal memory’ of me and my ‘eternal memory’ of God. In other words, it is the eternal memory of the Church, in which God and man converge.”

This convergence of God and man, a convergence wherein the human person is understood to become like God, is practically unknown in Western Christianity (except in those very rare experiences called ‘mystical’) but is everywhere operative in Eastern Christendom, where the term given it is the Greek word theosis.

In Orthodoxy, theosis is considered to be the normative goal of every person on earth – and not the rare experience of a spiritual elite called ‘mystics.’ What propels the person toward achieving theosis is, very simply, obeying what Christ, in the gospels, calls the first and great commandment: “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind” (Matthew 22:37). In this scene we are examining, Dmitri perfectly illustrates this love when he ends his speech to Alyosha by saying: “And then from the depth of the earth, we, the men underground, will start singing a tragic hymn to God, in whom there is joy! Hail to God and his joy! I love him!”

Here, then, is the engine that moves the process of theosis: the power of loving God. Furthermore, this is also the engine that moves what Christ (in the same passage in St. Matthew) calls the second of the two great commandments: “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself” (Matthew 22:39). In loving the neighbor – that is, loving the one who is always right now before you, ‘nigh’ or near you – in the same way in which you love God, you are directly experiencing the way wherein the Other is always oneself. These two great commandments are, to the Orthodox heart, Christ’s direct injunctions to each of us to enter into the way of theosis. (vocab: participation in the uncreated grace of God. Theosis is identified and connected with the theoria (vision) of the uncreated Light.)

Then Dostoevsky gives us the fullness of theosis when Dmitri says, on the eve of his trial, to Alyosha what Christ Himself says to His disciples on the eve of His arrest and crucifixion: “I am.” Dmitri says:

And it seems to me there’s so much strength in me now that I can overcome everything, all sufferings, only in order to say and tell myself every moment: I am! In a thousand torments – I am; writhing under torture – but I am. Locked up in a tower, but still I exist, I see the sun, and if I don’t see the sun, still I know it is. And the whole of life is there – in knowing that the sun is.)

Eternal Memory Is A Victory Over Death
This speech, if you will, pure ontological song, one wherein the singer’s affirmation of being (“I am!”) communicates ontological ecstasy to every living thing in such a way that each created thing remains entirely and perfectly itself at the very same moment each thing becomes a single note in the singer’s vast song. In other words, the singer’s love for God converges fully with the love flowing from God to the singer. Thus, the result of entering into ontological song is what can be termed the unceasing aliveness of the state of theosis. For this is an aliveness in which the human person comes to participate through love directly in God’s eternal aliveness. This participation in divine being is what Florensky terms “the eternal memory of the Church in which God and man converge”(144). “And,” Florensky adds, “this eternal memory is a victory over death.

In the “Talks and Homilies of the Elder Zosima,” assembled by Alyosha Karamazov after his beloved Elder’s death, there occurs this extraordinary passage:

Much on earth is concealed from us, but in place of it we have been granted a secret, mysterious sense of our living bond with the other world, with the higher heavenly world, and the roots of our thoughts and feelings are not here but in other worlds. That is why philosophers say it is impossible on earth to conceive the essence of things. God took seeds from other worlds and saved them on this earth, and raised up his garden; and everything that could sprout sprouted, but it lives and grows only through its sense of being in touch with other mysterious worlds; if this sense is weakened or destroyed in you, that which has grown up in you dies. Then you become indifferent to life, and even come to hate it. So I think.

This passage is, as Victor Terras rightly says, “the master key to the philosophic interpretation, as well as to the structure,” of the entire Brothers Karamazov. For this passage elucidates two powerful and connected ideas:

  1. That we can strongly (albeit obscurely) intuit the way wherein this empirical world of our actual lives is, in fact, rooted in the higher heavenly world of God; and
  2. That what bears fruit in this world does so only when we nurture in our lives those three seeds that God has directly sowed in us, a nurturing that occurs when we fall to the ground and die so that these seeds may begin first to bud and then to bear fruit.

These two ideas, then, help us to understand why Dostoevsky chose as the epigraph to his novel this saying of Christ’s: “Truly, truly I say to you, Unless the seed of wheat fall into the ground and die, it abides alone; but if it die, it brings forth much fruit” (John 12:24). What Florensky calls the victory over death is what Christ here describes as the way the seed bears fruit. This way of fruitfulness is the way of Memory Eternal.

Thus, we can see how both the artistic structure and the philosophic significance of the novel are held in these two ideas. We can see the three brothers, throughout the novel, drawing near to enacting these two ideas – or else missing them altogether or (with Ivan) deliberately turning away from them. And what connects these two ideas is, again, Memory Eternal, here understood as the way the seed genetically ‘remembers’ the fruit it springs from and will, if conditions are right, soon become. True remembering is therefore directly connected to – indeed, hardwired into – the process wherein we die so as to enter into fruitfulness. And this process is the one of remembering God and of being remembered by Him.

Regarding The Final Scene In The Novel
We are now able to see something of the lovely shapeliness of the final scene in the novel. In this scene, Alyosha talks to the dozen boys with whom he has just attended the funeral of Ilyusha, the boy they all had come to love in his final days of life. Toward the end of his speech to the boys, Alyosha says this:

Let us first of all and before all be kind, then honest, and then – let us never forget one another. I say it again. I give you my word, gentlemen, that for my part I will never forget any one of you; each face that is looking at me now, I will remember, be it even after thirty years.

This shape is, of course, the Orthodox shape of Memory Eternal: the present seed of actual love is already becoming the unceasing fruitfulness of memory. And this fruitfulness of memory is – in Florensky’s great phrase – “a victory over death,” not at all because we erase the dead in our mind’s oblivion (what secular culture calls ‘getting over it’) but precisely because we keep them so strongly, indeed so brightly present in our love. And Dostoevsky is luminously clear in his Orthodox understanding of Alyosha’s speech. By holding another in our love, we are becoming like God in that we are remembering the seed of God in ourselves at the very instant we are seeing the fully ripened fruitfulness of the other in God. In this way, the other begins to become our very self. Alyosha concludes this way:

You are all dear to me, gentlemen, from now on I shall keep you all in my heart, and I ask you to keep me in your hearts, too! Well, and who has united us in this good, kind feeling, which we will remember and intend to remember always, if not Ilyushechka, that good boy, that kind boy, that boy dear to us unto ages and ages! Let us never forget him, and may his memory be eternal and good in our hearts now and unto ages of ages!

The point is magnificently clear. The fruitfulness of Memory Eternal arises always and solely from an actual person – here, Ilyusha – who unites in love all the Orthodox believers who sing his passing and have taken him into their hearts. Thus, what begins in isolative grief concludes in relational joy. Such is the shape of Memory Eternal in Orthodoxy and in Dostoevsky.

Another Significance Through The Action Of Memory Eternal
And thus emerges still another significance: through the action of Memory Eternal, the person who has died continues to act back into the lives of those who continue to love him or her. In the middle of the novel, in the chapter called “Cana of Galilee,” Alyosha kneels by the coffin of his spiritual father, the Elder Zosima, while the episode in St. John’s Gospel telling of Jesus’ changing water into wine is being read aloud. As the episode is read, Alyosha prays silently, and then he dozes slightly – and then he instantly enters into a vision wherein he sees Father Zosima sitting at the wedding table in Cana where Jesus Himself is sitting. As the Elder catches sight of Alyosha and rises and walks toward him, smiling in beautiful welcome, Alyosha registers perfectly the Orthodox comprehension of what is now occurring: “Why, he is in the coffin. . . . But here, too” (361). That is, Alyosha fully sees how his spiritual father lies dead in the coffin and yet – simultaneously – is standing alive before him. In the actions of Memory Eternal, death on earth is defeated by unceasing aliveness in God.

The scene continues with Alyosha listening to his beloved teacher speaking words of wisdom to him. And then Alyosha, the vision ended, goes out under the immense night sky where, the narrator tells us, “the silence of the earth seemed to merge with the silence of the heavens, the majesty of the earth touched the majesty of the stars”(362). Then Alyosha suddenly falls to earth, weeping in joy and kissing the earth; and the Elder’s voice rings again in Alyosha’s soul: “Water the earth with the tears of your joy, and love those tears . . .”(ibid.). The narrator then says: “It was as if threads from all those innumerable worlds of God came together in his soul, and it was trembling all over, ‘touching other worlds’”(ibid.). This last phrase is, of course, the Elder Zosima’s phrase, here remembered by Alyosha, yes, but above all directly given by the Elder to Alyosha in this moment, directly shaping and indeed directly creating this moment. “Never, never in all his life,” the narrator says, “would Alyosha forget that moment”(363). This moment is, for Alyosha, a moment of theosis, one in which he participates fully in divine aliveness, a moment, that is, of Memory Eternal. And this moment, Dostoevsky makes abundantly clear in the chapter, is a moment that is entirely given by the dead to the living in an action of love. The chapter ends this way: “‘Someone visited my soul in that hour,’ Alyosha would say afterward, with firm belief in his word”. In Memory Eternal, the beloved dead act in love directly in the lives of the living.

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The Fall Of Rome And The Rise Of A New Western Christendom

March 8, 2010

Incidents in the life of St. Benedict (1407-09) an altar piece panel by the Florentine Renaissance painter Lorenzo Monaco. The central scene shows Benedict’s follower St. Maurus saving St. Placidus from drowning by walking on water, a power bestowed upon him by Benedict.

This must be the period of history I am weakest in. Back when I was growing up, I was probably taught this was the “dark ages,” when “nothing happened.” Fine by me, a few less pages in a world history book. Rome ended and it wasn’t until the middle ages that the narrative picked up again. Now of course we know a lot was happening, so I picked up on a couple of topics in the David Bentley Hart Story of Christianity to fill in my ignorance. See if some of the following doesn’t surprise you, too.

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Well before Constantine’s decision to relocate the imperial capital to Byzantium, the Western Roman empire had suffered a long and steady decline. In every sphere: social, political, economic, cultural and demographic the Eastern empire had long enjoyed an enormous advantage over the West. Rome, in fact, had already long ceased to be the emperor’s natural home. Diocletian (245-316) had kept court in Nicomedia, and seven-emperors before him had chosen to reside in Milan or in the southern Danube valley. In the last years of the Western empire, the imperial seat was often Ravenna.

The empire as a whole had endured incursions by ‘barbarian’ tribes (Germanic, Balkan and others) from the mid-third century on; but, with the general decline of the Latinate population of the West, the “barbarians” slowly began to displace the older peoples of the Roman West, often simply through migration, settlement and partial assimilation. “Barbarians” began to occupy agricultural regions left fallow by rural demographic attrition, and swelled the ranks of the imperial military assuming positions even of command arid, ultimately, of aristocratic privilege.

Barbarian Invasions
This is not to say that the rise of the new Germanic powers of the West did not entail great bloodshed and destruction. The Goths, Vandals, Alemanni, Burgundians, Gepidae, Franks and so forth were all warrior peoples, with strongly defined codes of honor, and no great aversion to the perils of battle. Moreover, from the middle of the fourth century onwards, the economic weakness of many Western cities and the decay of Western agriculture went hand in hand with a general decline of military defenses, which left the old Western empire ripe for spoliation.

At the beginning of the fifth century it was the semi-Vandal imperial regent Flavius Stilicho (365-408) who was responsible for protecting the Western empire and the city of Rome itself from the depredations of Visigoths and Ostrogoths. In 393, leadership of the Visigoths had been assumed by the dynamic Alaric (c.370-410), formerly an officer in the Roman army: in the East. On becoming chief of the Visigoths, he set out to redress the failure of the imperial treasury to pay his people certain subventions [vocab: Provision of help, aid, or support. An endowment or a subsidy, as that given by a government to an institution for research; a grant of financial aid.] they had been promised; he marched towards Constantinople before being diverted to Greece, where his men plundered many cities. In 397, the Eastern Emperor Arcadius placated Alaric by making him a Roman “master of soldiers”. However, still unsatisfied, Alaric led his army into Italy in 401.

In 402 and again the next year, Stilicho defeated the Goths, and Alaric briefly withdrew. There was in inexhaustible supply of barbarians however. Stilicho repelled the Ostrogoths in 406 and the Gauls in 407; also in 407, he was even obliged to call upon Alaric’s aid. Yet in 408, under suspicion of plotting to seize the imperial throne for his sons, Stilicho was executed, and Roman purists in the government and military massacred the families of Gothic soldiers in the Roman army. Naturally these Goths defected to Alaric and when the emperor Flavius Honorius refused to grant Alaric’s people land and compensation, Alaric led his forces against Rome itself. He besieged the city in 408 but relented when the Senate offered him tribute. Honorius, however, remained intransigent and the siege was resumed the next year. Again Alaric was paid off and withdrew. In 410 however, weary of the emperor’s continued failure to honor his promises, Alaric again besieged Rome. Allies in the city opened the gates to him and — for the first time in 800 years — Rome was occupied by a foreign invader.

The Visigoths kept control of the city for three days, plundering it of many of its riches but causing little damage and leaving its citizens unmolested. Above all they took care not to touch the city’s churches. For these barbarians were Christians.

The Evangelization Of The Germanic Tribes
The first significant Christian mission to the Goths was undertaken in the mid-fourth century by Ulfilas (c. 311-c. 382), a Gothic scholar supposedly of Christian Cappadocian extraction. He was not only the first man to spread the Gospel among the German tribesman, it was he who first devised the Gothic alphabet (based on both Greek and Latin scripts), and first translated the Bible (if not completely) into a Germanic tongue.

In 341, Ulfilas led an embassy to Constantinople, where he was consecrated by the city’s bishop — Eusebius of Nicomedia as bishop the Gothic peoples. A persuasive evangelist, over the next 30 years he gathered a large community of Christian Goths around himself. In 375 however, he was forced to lead his flock into Roman territory, claiming imperial protection against persecutions by ocher Goths. But the process of conversion that he had set in motion proved inexorable, and the “baptism of the barbarians” continued over the next few centuries.

Essential to Ulfilas’ Christianity though, was its Arian theology, inheritance from Eusebius of Nicomedia and others. As a result, Arianism became the characteristic theology not only of the Visigoths and Ostrogoths, but of other Germanic tribes, such as the Burgundians and Vandals and became very much a part of their own sense of cultural identity and what distinguished them from the Catholic Romans.

The Barbarian Epoch
During the fifth century new barbarian kingdoms arose throughout the former territories of the Western empire — in Spain, Gaul, Italy and elsewhere. In 428, the Vandals even invaded Roman North Africa, thus definitively eclipsing the old imperial order in the Western Mediterranean world. When St Augustine of Hippo died in 430, his city was on the verge of defeat; and, in 433, the city of Carthage fell to the invaders.

The Western empire persisted for a time formally There were emperors at any rate, all of whom were more or less creatures of barbarian kings, or at least dependent upon them. When, in 451, Attila led his Huns — the terror of Eastern and Western empires alike — into Gaul and then, in 432, into Italy Visigoths, Alemanni and Franks fought alongside the Western Romans. In 476, the German warlord Odoacer deposed the last occupant of the Western imperial throne — the exquisitely well-named Romulus Augustulus (“little Augustus”) and ruled as king of Italy.

Though Arians, the Germanic kings rarely interfered with the Catholic hierarchy of the Roman Christians. And, ultimately, the Arian creed would be replaced among the barbarian peoples by Nicene orthodoxy. Perhaps most significant in this regard was the conversion to Catholicism of Clovis (466-511), who became king of the Salic Franks in 481. Clovis’ Merovingian Dynasty was powerful and influential in its own right, and the Carolingian Dynasty that succeeded it more than 200 years later became the mightiest and largest European empire of the post-Roman and pre-modern age.

The City of God
Before Alaric’s sack of Rome in 410 the great city had not fallen to a foreign invader since 390 BC, when Celts under Brennus had passed through the gates and besieged the city’s population on the Capitoline. For centuries, Rome had been the ‘eternal city,’ invincible, the centre of the world. Thus its seizure by a hostile army had a symbolic impact that went far beyond the relatively minor physical damage inflicted on it by its temporary occupiers. Some adherents of paganism even believed that the empire had declined to so weak a state because it had forsaken worship of the old gods.

Such speculations prompted St. Augustine to compose his most ambitious work On the City of God Against the Pagans. In this enormous book. Augustine reflected upon the entirety of human history by way of a contrast drawn between two cities the civitas terrena (earthly city) and the civitas Dei (city of God) These two cities, he argued, are ultimately irreconcilable with one another, they comprise two distinct polities, each of whose values and virtues could not be more antagonistic to those of the other. Every soul is properly a citizen of one city or the other; but in historical time the two peoples are inextricably involved with one another.

The virtues of the pagans, Augustine argued, were in fact “splendid vices.” Pagan culture valued chiefly martial virtues, glorified violence, and served principally the human desire for praise and renown.

The city of God, however, is a society that presumes that peace is the proper and normal condition of creation; it practices virtues such as charity, and seeks to praise not great men but God. Thus the fall of Rome is of no ultimate consequence, the earthly city is by its nature transient, only the heavenly Jerusalem — the city of endless peace is truly eternal.

Western Monasticism And The Preservation Of Western Learning
According to myth propagated by the 18th-century historian Edward Gibbon, the decline of Rome and the advent of the so-called ‘Dark Ages’ were precipitated by the rise of Christianity. This is simply false. The ravages that caused the Western empire’s slow collapse had nothing whatever to do with the new religion; moreover, had it not been for the Christian monasteries of Western Europe, practically nothing of classical Latin antiquity would have survived the empire’s disintegration.

Christian monasticism, as already noted, began in the deserts of the East, but soon migrated to the West; and no single figure was more important in bringing Egyptian asceticism to the Latin Christian world than John Cassian (360-435), or John the Eremite, the founder of the Abbey of St Victor in Marseilles. Cassian’s origins are impossible to determine. It is believed by some that he was a Gaul of Roman origin who travelled eastward and spent time among the desert fathers before returning home. He may, however, have been born in the East; one ancient source claims that he was a Scythian. In any event, he was in Bethlehem when he took up the monastic life; and from there he journeyed to Egypt to receive spiritual instruction from the hermits of the Thebaid.

Cassian travelled to Constantinople in around 399, where the patriarch of the city, the great Christian master of rhetoric St. John Chrysostom (literally ‘Golden Mouth:’ What good is it if the Eucharistic table is overloaded with golden chalices when your brother is dying of hunger? Start by satisfying his hunger and then with what is left you may adorn the altar as well.), ordained him a deacon and made him treasurer of the cathedral. It may, in fact, have been his loyalty to Chrysostom that prompted Cassian to leave the East. The patriarch acquired formidable enemies in Constantinople –not least for his public reproaches of the rich and powerful for their wasteful extravagances and neglect of the poor — and in 403 he was deposed from his see on spurious charges and banished to Armenia. Cassian conducted an embassy to Rome in the hope of persuading Pope Innocent I (d. 417) to try to intervene on Chrysostom’s behalf; the pope, with the help of the Western emperor Honorius, used what influence he could, but he had no actual authority in the East and his efforts proved futile.

While still in Rome, in 405, Cassian was ordained to the priesthood. Thereafter, it seems, he applied himself to establishing an organized Christian monasticism in Gaul. In 415 he founded not only his famous monastery in Marseilles, but a convent as well, and spent the remainder of his life as an abbot. His work, known as the Collationes (or Conferences), contained somewhat stylized reminiscences of the Egyptian desert fathers, as well as collections of their teachings in the form of discourses, and concerned principally the inner spiritual states of the Christian ascetic. His Institutes of the Monastic Life, by contrast, concerned the rules that governed the life of the ascetic and the eight chief temptations with which the Christian contemplative must struggle. We have encountered John Cassian in the writing s of Kathleen Norris here.

St Benedict And The Rule
The true father of the distinctively Western monastic tradition was the remarkable St Benedict of Nursia (c.480-c.547), an educated Italian of the privileged class who, as a young man, withdrew to live a hermit’s life and soon won a reputation for extraordinary sanctity. After a few years, he was invited to become abbot of a monastery near his retreat; the rigors he demanded of his monks, however, were deemed intolerable by some and (allegedly) an attempt was made to poison him. He returned to his hermit’s life, but disciples soon gathered around him, and he founded a dozen monasteries on a model he devised. Thereafter he removed himself farther south, to a region not yet fully converted to Christianity, and founded his great monastery of Monte Cassino, a point more or less midway between Naples and Rome. Of his monks, Benedict demanded a willingness to abide by the rules of the community, devotion to prayer, obedience to the abbot and service to the poor and the ill.

Perhaps Benedict’s greatest contribution to Western monastic culture — apart from his personal example — was the Rule he composed for communities of monks. By comparison to Eastern rules of cenobitic monasticism (such as St Basil the Great’s) it is marked by a certain mildness and prudence: monks are allowed a full night’s sleep, warm clothes and adequate food; and the physically infirm or immature are to be spared exertions of which they are not capable. The Rule’s principal aim is to establish a code of communal harmony, love of God, prayer and service to others. But it is a rigorous rule for all that, precisely prescribing the pattern both of the novitiate and of the fully avowed life of poverty chastity, and obedience.

(Vocab: Cenobitic (also spelled cœnobitic, koinobitic) monasticism is a monastic tradition that stresses community life. Often in the West, the community belongs to a religious order and the life of the cenobitic monk is regulated by a religious rule, a collection of precepts. The older style of monasticism, to live as a hermit, is called eremitic; and a third form of monasticism, found primarily in the East, is the skete.)

What is more, the Rule is a model of clarity It sets the daily horae canonicae (that is, the “canonical hours”) at which the community as a whole must gather for common prayer and worship, it describes with exactitude how the monastery is to be administered and how it is to receive guests, it precisely delineates the duties of the abbot and his monks, and it prescribes disciplines for the reconciliation of monks who have erred. It also apportions the day into roughly equal periods of manual or scriptorial labor, private study and communal observances.

As a whole, the special spirit that Benedict imparted to Western Christian monasticism was one of wise moderation: an emphasis more on simplicity than on austerity more on the homely forms of self-abnegation than on the heroic and more on the discipline of the flesh than on its chastisement. Certain later forms of Western monasticism would more nearly approximate the somewhat severer example of the East; but the Benedictine approach to the ascetic life remained dominant in Western practice.

The Universe in  a Single Ray of the Sun
We have no biography of St Benedict of Nursia other than the Second Book of Dialogues by Pope St Gregory the Great (c540-604), and this is in no sense a work of historical scholarship. In addition to the more mundane episodes of Benedict’s life, Gregory’s book recounts a number of miraculous deeds and mystical experiences, some of which at least seem to be of a legendary nature. For instance, Gregory reports that the conspiracy by the monks of Benedict’s first monastery to poison their abbot came to light when the latter blessed the wine in which the poison had been mixed and the carafe promptly shattered.

Gregory also tells of Benedict causing water to gush from a rock or oil to pour forth inexhaustibly from a single vessel. Benedict also confers the power to walk on water upon one of his followers, St Maurus, so he can save another from drowning. And he is also credited with the ability to discern the innermost thoughts and desires of others

One story, however, that may well reflect an actual event is recounted in the thirty-fourth chapter of Gregory’s text. Here Gregory tells how Benedict, when he was approaching his final days on earth, was granted an extraordinary vision of God’s infinite glory embracing and transfusing all things.

Late one night, claims  Gregory, Benedict  found himself suddenly  bathed in an unearthly  light. It was at once  perfectly visible and yet somehow more radiant than the light of the sun — pouring down on him from above, and dispelling all darkness by its pure brightness.   

This extraordinary radiance was a vision of the supernatural sun of God’s splendor. More mysteriously still, in the midst of all that brilliance, Benedict seemed somehow to glimpse the entirety of creation, gathered into one, and wholly contained within a single ray of that celestial light. And, so long as the vision lasted, Benedict saw, as it were, the infinity of God’s transcendence, power and beauty, which no finite mind can comprehend.

Shoring Up The Fragments
Had it not been for the monastic institutions established by Benedict and others, with their libraries and scriptoria, the cultural devastation of Western Europe consequent upon the decline of the Western empire would have been complete. As the West was progressively sealed off from the high civilization of the Eastern Christian world, and knowledge of Greek became scarce in the West, the only institution that could boast any continuity with the culture of antiquity was the Church. In the sixth century the Christian philosopher Boethius (c.475-524) undertook to shore up such fragments as he could against the darkness by producing translations of all of Plato and Aristotle, as well as commentaries upon them, and by preparing manuals of music, mathematics, geometry and astronomy. His grand project, however, was only partially complete when it was rather abruptly curtailed by his execution at the hands of the Ostrogoth king of Italy, Theodoric (d.526), on spurious charges. Thereafter, it was almost exclusively the labor of monks that preserved anything of classical Western literature and learning from the general ruin.

No figure was more important in this regard than Cassiodorus (490-c.585), a monk of patrician caste who spent the earlier part of his adult life as a civil official in the Ostrogoth administration in Italy, serving under Theodoric, Athalaric (516-34) and others. Sonic time after 540, however, he founded a monastery called the Vivarium, near modern Squillace in Calabria in southern Italy, where manuscripts were gathered and preserved, and monks were set to work copying and preserving works of Roman antiquity and Greek Christian thought. In later centuries, as a result of the Vivarium’s example, various monasteries throughout Western Europe — from the Mediterranean to Britain — became repositories of the writings of Virgil, Ovid, Cicero, Pliny, Horace, Statius, Persius, Lucan, Suetonius, Seneca, Martial, Apuleius, Juvenal, Terence and so on, as well as of such portions of Plato, Aristotle and the Greek Church Fathers as were available in Latin.

Cassiodorus was also one of the earliest Christian encyclopaedists — that is, men who produced compendia of the sciences and arts, as well as manuals for study and instruction. His Institutes of Divine and Secular Letters contains — alongside his treatments of Christian scripture and theology — the programme of the seven liberal arts: the ‘trivium’ of grammar, logic and rhetoric, and the ‘quadrivium’ of geometry, arithmetic, music and astronomy, which became the course of elementary and higher education in the later Middle Ages. Cassiodorus also wrote a treatise on the soul, a history of humankind from the time of Adam and Eve called the Chronicon, an exposition of music theory and of the other liberal arts and disciplines’, and an anthology of the work of classical grammarians. These efforts may perhaps seem small in proportion to the magnitude of what had been lost in the fall of the Western Roman empire. Nevertheless, but for Christian scholarship and the tenuous links to the past that it strove to keep intact, the so-called ‘Dark Ages’ would have been very dark indeed.

The Emergence of Christendom
As the Western imperial order disintegrated, a new reality took shape: Christian Europe. Barbarian kingdoms absorbed lands that had once enjoyed the protection of Rome, the settled Roman populations of the Western provinces became the subjects of Germanic overlords — usually ‘heretics’ or even, in some cases, heathens — and the ancient Latin civilization that had once stretched from the British Isles to North Africa and from Iberia to the Balkans dissolved into a collection of largely unread texts and ill-preserved monuments. Henceforth, the unity of the West — despite the episodic empires of European history — would be a cultural unity: which is to say, a religious unity.

Throughout the fourth century and well into the fifth, the most thoroughly civilized province of the Western empire — most plentifully endowed with institutions of higher education, blessed with the richest literary culture, perennially prosperous and governed by a particularly refined patrician class — was Gaul. The settled aristocracy comprised both pagans and Christians, who existed in largely untroubled harmony with one another; and, among the very educated, friendships frequently transcended creed. It was not to last, however. The only cultural institutions that were still intact at the end of the fifth century were the Church and its monasteries.

A Pioneer Of Gallic Christianity
Perhaps the greatest Gallic Christian figure of the first century of Roman Christianity was St Martin of Tours (316-97), the patron saint of France: a tireless evangelist and one of the earliest apostles of monasticism in the West. According to his biographers, Sulpicius Severus and the Christian poet and bishop of Poitiers Venantius Fortunatus (c.340-c.600), Martin chose as a boy often to abandon the paganism of his parents and seek baptism. As a young man, be was conscripted into the army but refused to fight and was briefly imprisoned. After a period of instruction at the feet of St Hilary of Poitiers (c.315-c367) — the great defender of Nicene theology — Martin travelled to the Balkans as a missionary. Then, in 360, after a sojourn in Italy, he returned home and founded the first monastic community in Gaul, in Ligugé. In 371, he was appointed bishop of Tours; near his new see he founded the great monastery of Marmoutier, from which he conducted missions into the still pagan hinterlands of the Gallic countryside.

It was during Martin’s episcopacy, in 385, that the usurper Magnus Maximus (d.388) — who ruled over Britain, Iberia, Gaul and parts of Germany — had a Spanish bishop, Priscillian of Ávila, tried in Trier (Augusta Treverorum, the imperial seat) and executed on charges of heresy and witchcraft. There was no precedent or warrant in Christian tradition for such an act. Under the old pagan dispensation, piety towards the gods had been regarded as inseparable from loyalty to the empire, and Roman magistrates had had the power to institute extraordinary inquisitions and to execute atheists or devotees of proscribed cults. But the emperor was a Christian, and the killing of Priscillian was contrary to all Christian practice, and Martin distinguished himself by his willingness to reproach Maximus openly for his brutality.

The Dawn Of Christian France
In the fifth century, the barbarians came. The Visigoths settled south of the River Loire, in Aquitaine, early in the century, and then over time took control of Provence and most of Spain. The Alemanni settled farther to the north, in Alsace and its vicinity. The Burgundians occupied the better part of the lands by the Rhône. And the Franks spread westward from the Rhineland into southern Gaul.

Gaul’s native Roman culture was not, however, extinguished all at once. The old aristocracy proved durable and adaptable, and so remained largely enfranchised, in city and countryside alike; and much of the old civil administration of the provinces remained in place. There were losses and displacements among the ancient Gallic peoples as the new Germanic kingdoms replaced the old imperial regime; but Gallo-Roman civilization began to influence the invaders as well. The reigns of the Visigoth kings Euric (420-84) and Alaric II (d.507), for instance, were marked by an almost Roman sense of civil order and higher culture. And, whether Arians or pagans, the German kings left the Catholic Church in Gaul largely undisturbed. As a result, the transition from Roman to barbarian rule was relatively untroubled — at least for the patrician class.

Catholic France, however, began to emerge from the welter of Germanic kingdoms among the Salic Franks. King Clovis I (c.466-511) not only unified the Franks, but conquered territories occupied by Burgundians, Alemanni and Visigoths, and ultimately established his rule over all of Gaul apart from Burgundy and Provence. Through his marriage to the Burgundian princess St Clothilda (d. c.545), Clovis was persuaded to abandon the gods of his ancestors and to embrace Christianity — and, since his queen was a Catholic, Nicene rather than Arian Christianity.

Farther west, moreover, beyond the Pyrenees, Roman Iberia had also been invaded by Germanic tribes throughout the fifth century — Visigoths, Vandals, Suevi and so forth — with the Visigoths ultimately emerging as the rulers of Spain. When, in 589, King Recared converted to Catholic Christianity, the triumph of Nicene Christianity in the old Roman West was assured

The British Isles
Roman Britain, while perhaps not quite so idyllic as Roman Gaul was a prosperous, refined society; but, as imperial protection waned in the last decades of the fourth century, and especially after the last Roman armies departed early in the fifth, the ‘barbarians of the north (Picts, Welshmen, Irishmen, Danes, Saxons, Angles and Jutes) began to raid, invade or simply settle in Britain. The British King Vortigern (fl.425-5O) is said actually to have invited the Saxons into his realm to support him in his struggle against the Scots and Picts, and recompensed them with arable land. Yet by the late sixth century, pagan Germanic peoples had conquered England, and the old Roman civilization had been swept away

Christianity, however — Catholic Christianity — persisted and gradually conquered the conquerors. Undoubtedly the most famous representative of the old Roman Christian order in the age of barbarian hegemony was St Patrick, the fifth-century apostle to Ireland. The son of a Roman Briton deacon, he was captured at the age of 16 by Irish raiders and endured six years of slavery before escaping and returning to Britain. He journeyed to Gaul and there was made a priest. Ultimately, though, inspired by a dream, he resolved to return to the country of his captivity to preach the gospel. In 432 he had the opportunity to do just this, when he was commissioned to replace the beleaguered bishop of Ireland, Palladius.

In Ireland, he travelled widely, made disciples and baptized. His was not the first mission to Ireland, certainly, but it was the most ambitious. Irish kings were sometimes indulgent, sometimes hostile; by Patrick’s own estimate, he and his followers were taken captive a dozen times, and on at least one occasion he was bound in chains; and his life was frequently in danger — as were the lives of his disciples. He provoked the enmity of the Druids, naturally. But ultimately he counted kings and chieftains among his converts. He did not, of course, eradicate the old religions of Ireland; but if any man can be said to have converted an entire nation, Patrick would be that person.

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W.G. Sebald: Alchemist of Aesthetics and Sorrow

March 5, 2010

W. G. Sebald

W.G. Sebald grew up in a small German village after the war called Wertach which had about a thousand inhabitants, in a valley covered in snow for five months a year. He described it as a silent place. He was brought up largely by his grandfather, because his father only returned from a prisoner-of-war camp in 1947, and worked in the nearest small town, so he hardly ever saw him. He lived in that place until he was about eight.

His  parents came from working-class, small-peasant, farm-laborer backgrounds, and had made the grade during the fascist years; his father came out of the army as a captain. For most of those years, he didn’t know what class his family belonged to. Then the German “economic miracle” unfolded, so the family rose again; his father occupied a “proper” place in lower-middle-class society.

It was that social stratum where the so-called conspiracy of silence was at its most present. Until he was sixteen or seventeen, he had heard practically nothing about the history that preceded 1945.  Only when he was seventeen was he confronted with a documentary film of the opening of the Belsen camp. “There it was, and we somehow had to get our minds around it – which of course we didn’t. It was in the afternoon, with a football match afterwards.” So it took him years to find out what had happened. In the mid-60s, he could not conceive that those events had happened only a few years back.

It preoccupied him all the more when he came to Britain in 1966, because in Manchester, he realized for the first time that these historical events had happened to real people. One character in his book The Emigrants (1993) was based partly on Sebald’s Mancunian (vocab: adjective and demonym associated with the city of Manchester) landlord, a Jewish refugee.

In Germany during the postwar years Sebald recalled you could grow up without ever meeting a Jewish person. There were small communities in Frankfurt or Berlin, but in a provincial town in south Germany Jewish people didn’t exist. The subsequent realization was that they had been in all those places, as doctors, cinema ushers, owners of garages, but they had disappeared – or had been disappeared. So it was a process of successive phases of realization.

Sebald’s work combines genres – autobiography, travel, meditative essay – and blurs boundaries between fact and fiction, art and documentary. Sebald has said the big events are true while the detail was invented. One novel, Austerlitz, and the character of Jacques Austerlitz is a composite of two or three, or perhaps three-and-a-half, real persons.

One was a colleague of Sebald’s and another was a person about whom he happened to see a television documentary by sheer chance. He had been captivated by the tale of an apparently English woman [Susie Bechhofer] who, as it transpired, had come to England with her twin sister and been brought up in a Welsh Calvinist household. One of the twins died and the surviving twin never really knew that her origins were in a Munich orphanage. The story struck home; it cast Sebald’s mind back to Munich, the nearest big city to where he grew up, so he could relate to the horror and distress of Bechhofer’s story.

Jacques Austerlitz, the main character of the novel recovers memories in his 50s of having arrived in Britain from Prague on the Kindertransport. Much of Sebald’s work is about memory: its unreliability, its shattering return after being repressed. Literature seems to have a special role to play in remembrance for him.

He has said that the moral backbone of literature is about that whole question of memory. To Sebald’s mind it seems clear that those who have no memory have the much greater chance to lead happy lives. But it is something one cannot possibly escape: a person’s psychological make-up is such that they are inclined to look back over their shoulder. Memory, even if repressed, will come back at one and it will shape their life. Without memories there wouldn’t be any writing: the specific weight an image or phrase needs to get across to the reader can only come from things remembered – not from yesterday but from a long time ago.

In the history of postwar German writing, for example, in the first 15 or 20 years, people avoided mentioning political persecution – the incarceration and systematic extermination of whole peoples and groups in society. Then from 1965 this became a preoccupation of writers – not always in an acceptable form. Sebald knew that writing about the subject, particularly for people of German origin, is fraught with dangers and difficulties. Tactless lapses, moral and aesthetic, can easily be committed.

It was also clear one could not write directly about the horror of persecution in its ultimate forms, because no one could bear to look at these things without losing their sanity. So he would have to approach it from an angle, and by intimating to the reader that these subjects are constant company; their presence shades every inflection of every sentence one writes. If one can make that credible, then one can begin to defend writing about these subjects at all.

Sebald’s books often have a documentary feel, using captionless black-and-white photographs, but their status is unclear, or whether portraits correspond to people in the text. He has said that he had always been interested in photographs, collecting them not systematically but randomly: They get lost, then turn up again. Two years ago in a junk shop in the East End of London, I found a postcard of the yodelling group from my home town. That is a pretty staggering experience. These old photographs always seem to have this appeal written into them, that you should tell a story behind them. In The Emigrants there is a group photograph of a large Jewish family, all wearing Bavarian costume. That one image tells you more about the history of German-Jewish aspiration than a whole monograph would do.

He lived in England far longer than he had in Bavaria, but reading in English he become self-conscious about having a funny accent. Unlike Conrad or Nabokov, he didn’t have circumstances which would have coerced him out of his native tongue altogether. So Sebald continued to write in his native language of German: On bad days you don’t trust yourself, either in your first or your second language, and so you feel like a complete halfwit.

Sebald’s death came at the age of 57, in a car accident in Norwich in 2001. In old photographs we see him, a boy named Max (his third name was Maximilian) standing before the Bavarian Alps, clad in the lederhosen he detested, unaware both of the late flowering of his literary talent (he began writing “prose fiction” only in his mid-40s), and that his career would be shockingly cut short at the height of his powers.

This remembrance is based on an edited conversation several years back. He was a professor of European literature at University of East Anglia. He showed the interviewer a sepia photograph of a young boy from his mother’s Bavarian clan, who was destined to return mentally disturbed from the first world war. “This is before he knew,” Sebald marvelled at the innocent countenance. “I find that frightful – the incapacity to know what’s round the corner.”

His work is marked with piercing observations of the human condition. This one recalls for me 1 Corinthians 10:13:
No temptation has seized you except what is common to man. And God is faithful; he will not let you be tempted beyond what you can bear. But when you are tempted, he will also provide a way out so that you can stand up under it.
“…I gradually understood that , beyond a certain point, pain blots out the one thing that is essential to its being experienced — consciousness — and so perhaps extinguishes itself; we know very little about this. What is certain though is that mental suffering is effectively without end. One may think one has reached the very limit, but there are always more torments to come. One plunges from one abyss into the next.
When I was in Colmar, said Ferber, I beheld all of this in precise detail, how one thing had led to another and how it had been afterwards. The flood of memory, little of which remains with me now, began with  recalling a Friday morning some years ago when I was suddenly struck by the paroxysm of pain that a slipped disc can occasion, pain of a kind I had never experienced before.
I simply bent down to the cat, and as I straightened up the tissue tore and the nucleus pulposus jammed into the nerve. 
At least, that is how the doctor later described it.  At the moment, all I knew was that I mustn’t move even a fraction of an inch, that my whole life had shrunk to that one tiny point of absolute pain, and that even breathing in made everything go black. Until the evening I was rooted in one place in a semi-erect position. How I managed the few steps to the wall, after darkness had fallen, and how I pulled the tartan blanket that was hanging on the back of the chair over my shoulders, I no longer remember.
All I now recall is that I stood at that wall all night long with my forehead against the damp, musty plaster, that it grew colder and colder, that the tears ran down my face, that I began to mutter nonsense, and that through it all I felt that being utterly crippled by pain in this way was related, in the most precise manner conceivable, to the inner constitution I had acquired over the years…”
The Emigrants — W.G. Sebald

Poem: It was as if
I was lying
under a low
sky breathing
through the eye
of a needle

W.G. Sebald

“In the second half of the 1960s I traveled repeatedly from England to Belgium, partly for study purposes, partly for other reasons which were never entirely clear to me, staying sometimes for just one or two days, sometimes for several weeks. On one of these Belgian excursions which, as it seemed to me, always took me further and further abroad, I came on a glorious early summer’s day to the city of Antwerp, known to me previously only by name. Even on my arrival, as the train rolled slowly over the viaduct with its curious pointed turrets on both sides and into the dark station concourse, I had begun to feel unwell, and this sense of indisposition persisted for the whole of my visit to Belgium on that occasion.

I still remember the uncertainty of my footsteps as I walked all round the inner city, down Jeruzalemstraat, Nachtegaalstraat, Pelikaanstraat, Paradijsstraat, Immerseelstraat, and many other streets and alleyways, until at last, plagued by a headache and my uneasy thoughts, I took refuge in the zoo by the Astridplein, next to the Centraal Station, waiting for the pain to subside. I sat there on a bench in dappled shade, beside an aviary full of brightly feathered finches and siskins fluttering about.

As the afternoon drew to a close I walked through the park, and finally went to see the Nocturama, which had first been opened only a few months earlier. It was some time before my eyes became used to its artificial dusk and I could make out different animals leading their sombrous lives behind the glass by the light of a pale moon. I cannot now recall exactly what creatures I saw on that visit to the Antwerp Nocturama, but there were probably bats and jerboas from Egypt and the Gobi Desert, native European hedgehogs and owls, Australian opossums, pine martens, dormice, and lemurs, leaping from branch to branch, darting back and forth over the grayish-yellow sandy ground, or disappearing into a bamboo thicket. The only animal which has remained lingering in my memory is the raccoon.

I watched it for a long time as it sat beside a little stream with a serious expression on its face, washing the same piece of apple over and over again, as if it hoped that all this washing, which went far beyond any reasonable thoroughness, would help it to escape the unreal world in which it had arrived, so to speak, through no fault of its own.”
The opening of his novel, Austerlitz

Critic Ruth Franklin in the New Republic comments:

“The strangest thing about Sebald’s incomparably strange work is that upon first reading it gives us no reason to think that it is fiction. Though Austerlitz was largely taken as a novel, Sebald himself refused to designate it as such; in an interview he called it “a prose book of indefinite form.” Indeed, why must the passage above be anything other than notes from an idiosyncratic travel journal?

The street names, improbable though they may be, are easily verified with a map of Antwerp, and the zoo, located near the central train station just as he says, does in fact have a Nocturama. But though the books are marked by an extraordinary profusion of facts–snippets from Kafka’s letters, notes on the mating practices of herrings, even reproductions of train tickets and restaurant receipts that appear to document the narrator’s journeys- -fiction pulls at them with the force of gravity.

The four stories that constitute The Emigrants are connected by a single image that flits through each of them: the figure of Nabokov with his butterfly net, sometimes a grown man, sometimes a boy. And the four sketches of Vertigo each contain a line from a story by Kafka, slightly rephrased on each repetition, describing a corpse lying beneath a cloth on a bier. The improbability of all four characters in The Emigrants crossing paths with Nabokov, and the impossibility of a manifestation of Kafka’s image appearing in all four parts of Vertigo, is but one signal of the turn into fiction.

As one reads more deeply into Sebald’s work, its fictionality becomes utterly essential.

But while fiction tugs at one sleeve, reality tugs at the other with nearly equal force, most dramatically in the black-and-white photographs that Sebald has strewn about all his prose books. The photographs have neither captions nor credits to give a clue to their provenance; the text describes the taking of some of them, while others seem to be more generally illustrative, and still others entirely random.

In the last chapter of Vertigo, for instance, the narrator, visiting his hometown after many years of absence, mentions a photo album that his father gave his mother as a Christmas present during the first year of the war. “In it are pictures of the Polish campaign, all neatly captioned in white ink. Some of these photographs show gypsies who had been rounded up and put into detention. They are looking out, smiling, from behind the barbed wire, somewhere in a far corner of Slovakia where my father and his vehicle repairs unit had been stationed for several weeks before the outbreak of war.”

We are then shown a photograph of a woman carrying a baby in a bundle, dressed in gypsy-like clothes, behind a wire fence, with the caption “Zigeuner” (the German word for gypsy) in white ink. But for every photograph such as this one, there is another that firmly denies any easy correspondence with the text. Several pages earlier Sebald mentions an iron memorial cross that stands in the town graveyard to commemorate four young soldiers who died in a “last skirmish” in April 1945, and he lists their names. When we turn the page there is the cross; but it looks as if there are five names on it, not four, and the photograph is too blurry to make out any names.

The conflict between fact and fiction reaches its epitome in the voice that narrates all these stories of loss. Sebald seems to encourage us to think of this persona as something like his own. His narrator (the books share a single voice) occasionally offers biographical details that are identical with Sebald’s own life: he is married, he lives in East Anglia, he was born toward the end of World War II in an Alpine German town, and came to England in the 1960s. Yet these details, like the photographs, obscure as much as they reveal.

There are moments of startling intimacy, but even as Sebald’s narrator seems to bare his soul, he tells us nothing about himself. And he favors a particularly disorienting narrative device: most of Sebald’s characters tell their stories through direct encounters with the narrator, in monologues. At a crucial moment in some of the monologues, Sebald will switch from third person to first person, so that the narrator vanishes, leaving the character behind. Since he does not use quotation marks, the shift is seamless. This is not an “unreliable narrator, ” it is an unreliable narrative.

But even as Sebald builds layer upon layer of disguise, his books stumble over their own sentences in their desire to explain themselves to the reader, as the crushing pile of symbols in the opening to Austerlitz illustrates. The books search for patterns in nature and in human life, and as they do so they obsessively repeat themselves.

To take one instance: The Rings of Saturn begins with a quotation from an encyclopedia that describes the planet’s rings as “consist[ing] of ice crystals and probably meteorite particles describing circular orbits around the planet’s equator. In all likelihood these are fragments of a former moon that was too close to the planet and was destroyed by its tidal effect.” The circular motif is repeated throughout the book, in everything from the deja vu the narrator experiences visiting a friend’s apartment to an extraordinary vision that is one of Sebald’s most beautiful and mystical moments: “At earlier times, in the summer evenings during my childhood when I had watched from the valley as swallows circled in the last light … I would imagine that the world was held together by the courses they flew through the air.”  The momentum created by the piling of image upon image, of figure upon figure, is so powerful that when one reaches the end of the book–I have experienced this with all of Sebald’s books, and others have mentioned it as well–one feels an irresistible compulsion to turn it over and begin again.

Yet there is something unsettling about the spell that Sebald’s books weave; and it is not only the disequilibrium that is constantly evoked by the differences between fact and fiction, art and life–a state in which Sebald’s narrator continually finds himself, and that Sebald seeks to induce in the reader as well. It is a deeper paradox. In the first chapter of Vertigo, Sebald traces the adventures of the young Stendhal (then known as Marie Henri Beyle) in Napoleon’s army, and comments on the writer’s own difficulty in recollecting them: “at times his view of the past consists of nothing but grey patches, then at others images appear of such extraordinary clarity he feels he can scarce credit them.” He finds also that “even when the images supplied by memory are true to life, one can place little confidence in them”–years later Beyle will discover that he had replaced his own mental image of Ivrea with that of an engraving of the town. “This being so,” Sebald concludes, “Beyle’s advice is not to purchase engravings of fine views and prospects seen on one’s travels, since before very long they will displace our memories completely, indeed one might say they destroy them.”

Art is the preserver of memory, but it is also the destroyer of memory: this is the final tug-of-war in Sebald’s work, and the most fundamental one. As he searches for patterns in the constellation of grief that his books record, he runs the risk that the patterns themselves, by virtue of their very beauty, will extinguish the grief that they seek to contain. Sebald’s peculiar alchemy of aestheticism and sorrow unwittingly underscores its own insubstantiality. Even as he investigates the roots of memory, Sebald, like the weavers whom he finds so emblematic, continually unravels his own creations.”

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Reading Selections from Depression’s Upside by Jonah Lehrer

March 4, 2010

Jonah Lehrer’s Depression’s Upside was recently featured in the NY Times magazine (Feb 28, 2010). As someone who has extensively quoted Kathleen Norris’ Acedia & Me that suggests the same “upside,” it was a fascinating read and I’m offering some reading selections here.

Norris had offered the following observations about acedia: “Let’s call it sickness, a desert malady. Anyone could lose perspective in that heat, weakened by hunger, thirst, and uncertainty. Yet a curious fact about illness, including depression, is that it can bring us to clarity. We value the quality of attention that comes to us when we are not well. In “I’m Not OK, You’re Not OK [ her review of The Noonday Demon, Joyce Carol Oates observes that “those afflicted with depression are often ambivalent about it, as no one is ambivalent about physical illness.” Her latter assumption belies the fact that people of many faiths have experienced ailments and incapacities as a gateway to spiritual insight. But her observation about depression reflects the fact that many people are conflicted about a state in which the ploys they’ve used to color things in their favor are stripped away, and they sense that they are witnessing the world as it is. The light maybe harsher than we would like, but at least it forces us to see.

[This reminds me of Dostoyevsky’s creed: “One sees the truth more clearly when one is unhappy,” he wrote from Siberia. “And yet God gives me moments of perfect peace; in such moments I love and believe that I am loved; in such moments I have formulated my creed, wherein all is clear and holy to me. This creed is extremely simply: here it is. I believe that there is nothing lovelier, deeper, more sympathetic, more rational, more manly and more perfect than the Saviour: I say to myself with jealous love that not only is there no one else like Him, but that there could be no one.” I confess that one of my coping mechanisms for my depression is that thought “One sees the truth more clearly when one is unhappy.” Jonah Lehrer has a lot more to say about that in this essay.]

From his extensive research, Andrew Solomon reports evidence that depressed people have a more realistic view of the world than others. He writes of one study that showed “depressed and non-depressed people are equally good at answering abstract questions. When asked, however, about their control over an event, non-depressed people invariably believe themselves to have more control than they really have, and depressed people give an accurate assessment.”

Much of the following should be placed in the category “interesting to know.” Norris never really speaks specifically to defining depression within the construct of acedia (Yes and No is one response that I recall). The reason for that response is the wide swath of symptoms that both acedia and depression elicit. Within that swath is a very serious disorder that means trying every single day to stay alive and to thwart all thoughts and energy going into ending one’s life. It would be easy to take the title of Lehrer’s essay (or Norris’ reflections) and posit that depression can actually have an upside or that he or she is advocating such. Neither does and for those who suffer from depression’s debilitating effects neither suggests that there is some silver lining available to all if only they would look.

Here are a number of reading selections from the essay which can also be found here.

Darwin’s Example
The Victorians had many names for depression, and Charles Darwin used them all. There were his “fits” brought on by “excitements,” “flurries” leading to an “uncomfortable palpitation of the heart” and “air fatigues” that triggered his “head symptoms.” In one particularly pitiful letter, written to a specialist in “psychological medicine,” he confessed to “extreme spasmodic daily and nightly flatulence” and “hysterical crying” whenever Emma, his devoted wife, left him alone.

While there has been endless speculation about Darwin’s mysterious ailment — his symptoms have been attributed to everything from lactose intolerance to Chagas disease — Darwin himself was most troubled by his recurring mental problems. His depression left him “not able to do anything one day out of three,” choking on his “bitter mortification.” He despaired of the weakness of mind that ran in his family. “The ‘race is for the strong,’ ” Darwin wrote. “I shall probably do little more but be content to admire the strides others made in Science.”

Darwin, of course, was wrong; his recurring fits didn’t prevent him from succeeding in science. Instead, the pain may actually have accelerated the pace of his research, allowing him to withdraw from the world and concentrate entirely on his work. His letters are filled with references to the salvation of study, which allowed him to temporarily escape his gloomy moods. “Work is the only thing which makes life endurable to me,” Darwin wrote and later remarked that it was his “sole enjoyment in life.”

For Darwin, depression was a clarifying force, focusing the mind on its most essential problems. In his autobiography, he speculated on the purpose of such misery; his evolutionary theory was shadowed by his own life story. “Pain or suffering of any kind,” he wrote, “if long continued, causes depression and lessens the power of action, yet it is well adapted to make a creature guard itself against any great or sudden evil.” And so sorrow was explained away, because pleasure was not enough. Sometimes, Darwin wrote, it is the sadness that informs as it “leads an animal to pursue that course of action which is most beneficial.” The darkness was a kind of light.

Depression’s Paradox
The mystery of depression is not that it exists — the mind, like the flesh, is prone to malfunction. Instead, the paradox of depression has long been its prevalence. While most mental illnesses are extremely rare — schizophrenia, for example, is seen in less than 1 percent of the population — depression is everywhere, as inescapable as the common cold. Every year, approximately 7 percent of us will be afflicted to some degree by the awful mental state that William Styron described as a “gray drizzle of horror . . . a storm of murk.” Obsessed with our pain, we will retreat from everything. We will stop eating, unless we start eating too much. Sex will lose its appeal; sleep will become a frustrating pursuit. We will always be tired, even though we will do less and less. We will think a lot about death.

The persistence of this affliction — and the fact that it seemed to be heritable — posed a serious challenge to Darwin’s new evolutionary theory. If depression was a disorder, then evolution had made a tragic mistake, allowing an illness that impedes reproduction — it leads people to stop having sex and consider suicide — to spread throughout the population. For some unknown reason, the modern human mind is tilted toward sadness and, as we’ve now come to think, needs drugs to rescue itself.

The alternative, of course, is that depression has a secret purpose and our medical interventions are making a bad situation even worse. Like a fever that helps the immune system fight off infection — increased body temperature sends white blood cells into overdrive — depression might be an unpleasant yet adaptive response to affliction. Maybe Darwin was right. We suffer — we suffer terribly — but we don’t suffer in vain.

Evolutionary Psychology And The Depression Paradox
In the late 1990s, ANDY THOMSON, a psychiatrist at the University of Virginia, became interested in evolutionary psychology, which tries to explain the features of the human mind in terms of natural selection. The starting premise of the field is that the brain has a vast evolutionary history, and that this history shapes human nature. We are not a blank slate but a byproduct of imperfect adaptations, stuck with a mind that was designed to meet the needs of Pleistocene hunter-gatherers on the African savanna. While the specifics of evolutionary psychology remain controversial — it’s never easy proving theories about the distant past — its underlying assumption is largely accepted by mainstream scientists. There is no longer much debate over whether evolution sculptured the fleshy machine inside our head. Instead, researchers have moved on to new questions like when and how this sculpturing happened and which of our mental traits are adaptations and which are accidents.

In 2004, Thomson met Paul Andrews, an evolutionary psychologist at Virginia Commonwealth University, who had long been interested in the depression paradox — why a disorder that’s so costly is also so common. Andrews has long dark brown hair and an aquiline nose. Before he begins to talk, he often writes down an outline of his answer on scratch paper. “This is a very delicate subject,” he says. “I don’t want to say something reckless.”

Rumination
Andrews and Thomson struck up an extended conversation on the evolutionary roots of depression. They began by focusing on the thought process that defines the disorder, which is known as rumination. (The verb is derived from the Latin word for “chewed over,” which describes the act of digestion in cattle, in which they swallow, regurgitate and then rechew their food.) In recent decades, psychiatry has come to see rumination as a dangerous mental habit, because it leads people to fixate on their flaws and problems, thus extending their negative moods. Consider “The Depressed Person,” a short story by David Foster Wallace, which chronicles a consciousness in the grip of the ruminative cycle. (Wallace struggled with severe depression for years before committing suicide in 2008.) The story is a long lament, a portrait of a mind hating itself, filled with sentences like this: “What terms might be used to describe such a solipsistic, self-consumed, bottomless emotional vacuum and sponge as she now appeared to herself to be?” The dark thoughts of “The Depressed Person” soon grow tedious and trying, but that’s precisely Wallace’s point. There is nothing profound about depressive rumination. There is just a recursive loop of woe.

The bleakness of this thought process helps explain why, according to the Yale psychologist Susan Nolen-Hoeksema, people with “ruminative tendencies” are more likely to become depressed. They’re also more likely to become unnerved by stressful events: for instance, Nolen-Hoeksema found that residents of San Francisco who self-identified as ruminators showed significantly more depressive symptoms after the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake. And then there are the cognitive deficits. Because rumination hijacks the stream of consciousness — we become exquisitely attentive to our pain — numerous studies have found that depressed subjects struggle to think about anything else, just like Wallace’s character. The end result is poor performance on tests for memory and executive function, especially when the task involves lots of information. (These deficits disappear when test subjects are first distracted from their depression and thus better able to focus on the exercise.) Such research has reinforced the view that rumination is a useless kind of pessimism, a perfect waste of mental energy.

That, at least, was the scientific consensus when Andrews and Thomson began exploring the depression paradox. Their evolutionary perspective, however — they see the mind as a fine-tuned machine that is not prone to pointless programming bugs — led them to wonder if rumination had a purpose. They started with the observation that rumination was often a response to a specific psychological blow, like the death of a loved one or the loss of a job. (Darwin was plunged into a debilitating grief after his 10-year-old daughter, Annie, died following a bout of scarlet fever.) Although the D.S.M. manual, the diagnostic bible for psychiatrists, does not take such stressors into account when diagnosing depressive disorder — the exception is grief caused by bereavement, as long as the grief doesn’t last longer than two months — it’s clear that the problems of everyday life play a huge role in causing mental illness. “Of course, rumination is unpleasant,” Andrews says. “But it’s usually a response to something real, a real setback. It didn’t seem right that the brain would go haywire just when we need it most.”

Imagine, for instance, a depression triggered by a bitter divorce. The ruminations might take the form of regret (“I should have been a better spouse”), recurring counterfactuals (“What if I hadn’t had my affair?”) and anxiety about the future (“How will the kids deal with it? Can I afford my alimony payments?”). While such thoughts reinforce the depression — that’s why therapists try to stop the ruminative cycle — Andrews and Thomson wondered if they might also help people prepare for bachelorhood or allow people to learn from their mistakes. “I started thinking about how, even if you are depressed for a few months, the depression might be worth it if it helps you better understand social relationships,” Andrews says. “Maybe you realize you need to be less rigid or more loving. Those are insights that can come out of depression, and they can be very valuable.”

A Capacity For Intense Focus
This radical idea the scientists were suggesting that depressive disorder came with a net mental benefit — has a long intellectual history. Aristotle was there first, stating in the fourth century B.C. “that all men who have attained excellence in philosophy, in poetry, in art and in politics, even Socrates and Plato, had a melancholic habitus; indeed some suffered even from melancholic disease.” This belief was revived during the Renaissance, leading Milton to exclaim, in his poem “Il Penseroso”: “Hail divinest Melancholy/Whose saintly visage is too bright/To hit the sense of human sight.” The Romantic poets took the veneration of sadness to its logical extreme and described suffering as a prerequisite for the literary life. As Keats wrote, “Do you not see how necessary a World of Pains and troubles is to school an intelligence and make it a soul?”

But Andrews and Thomson weren’t interested in ancient aphorisms or poetic apologias. Their daunting challenge was to show how rumination might lead to improved outcomes, especially when it comes to solving life’s most difficult dilemmas. Their first speculations focused on the core features of depression, like the inability of depressed subjects to experience pleasure or their lack of interest in food, sex and social interactions. According to Andrews and Thomson, these awful symptoms came with a productive side effect, because they reduced the possibility of becoming distracted from the pressing problem.

The capacity for intense focus, they note, relies in large part on a brain area called the left ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (VLPFC), which is located a few inches behind the forehead. While this area has been associated with a wide variety of mental talents, like conceptual knowledge and verb conjugation, it seems to be especially important for maintaining attention. Experiments show that neurons in the VLPFC must fire continuously to keep us on task so that we don’t become sidetracked by irrelevant information. Furthermore, deficits in the VLPFC have been associated with attention-deficit disorder.

Several studies found an increase in brain activity (as measured indirectly by blood flow) in the VLPFC of depressed patients. Most recently, a paper to be published next month by neuroscientists in China found a spike in “functional connectivity” between the lateral prefrontal cortex and other parts of the brain in depressed patients, with more severe depressions leading to more prefrontal activity. One explanation for this finding is that the hyperactive VLPFC underlies rumination, allowing people to stay focused on their problem. (Andrews and Thomson argue that this relentless fixation also explains the cognitive deficits of depressed subjects, as they are too busy thinking about their real-life problems to bother with an artificial lab exercise; their VLPFC can’t be bothered to care.) Human attention is a scarce resource — the neural effects of depression make sure the resource is efficiently allocated.

But the reliance on the VLPFC doesn’t just lead us to fixate on our depressing situation; it also leads to an extremely analytical style of thinking. That’s because rumination is largely rooted in working memory, a kind of mental scratchpad that allows us to “work” with all the information stuck in consciousness. When people rely on working memory — and it doesn’t matter if they’re doing long division or contemplating a relationship gone wrong — they tend to think in a more deliberate fashion, breaking down their complex problems into their simpler parts.

The bad news is that this deliberate thought process is slow, tiresome and prone to distraction; the prefrontal cortex soon grows exhausted and gives out. Andrews and Thomson see depression as a way of bolstering our feeble analytical skills, making it easier to pay continuous attention to a difficult dilemma. The downcast mood and activation of the VLPFC are part of a “coordinated system” that, Andrews and Thomson say, exists “for the specific purpose of effectively analyzing the complex life problem that triggered the depression.” If depression didn’t exist — if we didn’t react to stress and trauma with endless ruminations — then we would be less likely to solve our predicaments. Wisdom isn’t cheap, and we pay for it with pain.

Consider a young professor on tenure track who was treated by Thomson. The patient was having difficulties with his academic department. “This guy was used to success coming easy, but now it wasn’t,” Thomson says. “I made it clear that I thought he’d need some time to figure out his next step. His problem was like a splinter, and the pain wouldn’t go away until the splinter was removed.” Should the patient leave the department? Should he leave academia? Or should he try to resolve the disagreement? Over the next several weeks, Thomson helped the patient analyze his situation and carefully think through the alternatives. “We took it one variable at a time,” Thomson says. “And it eventually became clear to him that the departmental issues couldn’t be fixed. He needed to leave. Once he came to that conclusion, he started feeling better.”

Criticism of Andrews and Thomson’s Theories
The publication of Andrews and Thomson’s 36,000-word paper in the July 2009 issue of Psychological Review had a polarizing effect on the field. While some researchers, like Jerome Wakefield, a professor at New York University who specializes in the conceptual foundations of clinical theory, greeted the paper as “an extremely important first step toward the re-evaluation of depression,” other psychiatrists regarded it as little more than irresponsible speculation, a justification for human suffering. Peter Kramer, a professor of psychiatry and human behavior at Brown University, describes the paper as “a ladder with a series of weak rungs.” Kramer has long defended the use of antidepressants — his landmark work, “Listening to Prozac,” chronicled the profound improvements of patients taking the drugs — and criticized those who romanticized depression, which he compares to the glamorization of tuberculosis in the late 19th century. In a series of e-mail messages to me, Kramer suggested that Andrews and Thomson neglect the variants of depression that don’t fit their evolutionary theory. “This study says nothing about chronic depression and the sort of self-hating, paralyzing, hopeless, circular rumination it inspires,” Kramer wrote. And what about post-stroke depression? Late-life depression? Extreme depressive condition? Kramer argues that there’s a clear category difference between a healthy response to social stressors and the response of people with depressive disorder. “Depression is not really like sadness,” Kramer has written. “It’s more an oppressive flattening of feeling.”

Even scientists who are sympathetic to what Andrews and Thomson call the “analytic-rumination hypothesis” remain critical of its details. Ed Hagen, an anthropologist at Washington State University who is working on a book with Andrews, says that while the analytic-rumination hypothesis has persuaded him that some depressive symptoms might improve problem-solving skills, he remains unconvinced that it is a sufficient explanation for depression. “Individuals with major depression often don’t groom, bathe and sometimes don’t even use the toilet,” Hagen says. They also significantly “reduce investment in child care,” which could have detrimental effects on the survival of offspring. The steep fitness costs of these behaviors, Hagen says, would not be offset by “more uninterrupted time to think.”

Other scientists, including Randolph Nesse at the University of Michigan, say that complex psychiatric disorders like depression rarely have simple evolutionary explanations. In fact, the analytic-rumination hypothesis is merely the latest attempt to explain the prevalence of depression. There is, for example, the “plea for help” theory, which suggests that depression is a way of eliciting assistance from loved ones. There’s also the “signal of defeat” hypothesis, which argues that feelings of despair after a loss in social status help prevent unnecessary attacks; we’re too busy sulking to fight back. And then there’s “depressive realism”: several studies have found that people with depression have a more accurate view of reality and are better at predicting future outcomes. While each of these speculations has scientific support, none are sufficient to explain an illness that afflicts so many people. The moral, Nesse says, is that sadness, like happiness, has many functions.

Although Nesse says he admires the analytic-rumination hypothesis, he adds that it fails to capture the heterogeneity of depressive disorder. Andrews and Thomson compare depression to a fever helping to fight off infection, but Nesse says a more accurate metaphor is chronic pain, which can arise for innumerable reasons. “Sometimes, the pain is going to have an organic source,” he says. “Maybe you’ve slipped a disc or pinched a nerve, in which case you’ve got to solve that underlying problem. But much of the time there is no origin for the pain. The pain itself is the dysfunction.”

Answering the Criticisms
Andrews and Thomson respond to such criticisms by acknowledging that depression is a vast continuum, a catch-all term for a spectrum of symptoms. While the analytic-rumination hypothesis might explain those patients reacting to an “acute stressor,” it can’t account for those whose suffering has no discernible cause or whose sadness refuses to lift for years at a time. “To say that depression can be useful doesn’t mean it’s always going to be useful,” Thomson says. “Sometimes, the symptoms can spiral out of control. The problem, though, is that as a society, we’ve come to see depression as something that must always be avoided or medicated away. We’ve been so eager to remove the stigma from depression that we’ve ended up stigmatizing sadness.”

For Thomson, this new theory of depression has directly affected his medical practice. “That’s the litmus test for me,” he says. “Do these ideas help me treat my patients better?” In recent years, Thomson has cut back on antidepressant prescriptions, because, he says, he now believes that the drugs can sometimes interfere with genuine recovery, making it harder for people to resolve their social dilemmas. “I remember one patient who came in and said she needed to reduce her dosage,” he says. “I asked her if the antidepressants were working, and she said something I’ll never forget. ‘Yes, they’re working great,’ she told me. ‘I feel so much better. But I’m still married to the same alcoholic son of a bitch. It’s just now he’s tolerable.’ ”

The point is the woman was depressed for a reason; her pain was about something. While the drugs made her feel better, no real progress was ever made. Thomson’s skepticism about antidepressants is bolstered by recent studies questioning their benefits, at least for patients with moderate depression. Consider a 2005 paper led by Steven Hollon, a psychologist at Vanderbilt University: he found that people on antidepressants had a 76 percent chance of relapse within a year when the drugs were discontinued. In contrast, patients given a form of cognitive talk therapy had a relapse rate of 31 percent. And Hollon’s data aren’t unusual: several studies found that patients treated with medication were approximately twice as likely to relapse as patients treated with cognitive behavior therapy. “The high relapse rate suggests that the drugs aren’t really solving anything,” Thomson says. “In fact, they seem to be interfering with the solution, so that patients are discouraged from dealing with their problems. We end up having to keep people on the drugs forever. It was as if these people have a bodily infection, and modern psychiatry is just treating their fever.”

Thomson describes a college student who was referred to his practice. “It was clear that this patient was in a lot of pain,” Thomson says. “He couldn’t sleep, couldn’t study. He had some family issues” — his parents were recently divorced — “and his father was exerting a tremendous amount of pressure on him to go to graduate school. Because he’s got a family history of depression, the standard of care would be to put him on drugs right away. And a few years ago, that’s what I would have done.”

Instead, Thomson was determined to help the student solve his problem. “What you’re trying to do is speed along the rumination process,” Thomson says. “Once you show people the dilemma they need to solve, they almost always start feeling better.” He cites as evidence a recent study that found “expressive writing” — asking depressed subjects to write essays about their feelings — led to significantly shorter depressive episodes. The reason, Thomson suggests, is that writing is a form of thinking, which enhances our natural problem-solving abilities. “This doesn’t mean there’s some miracle cure,” he says. “In most cases, the recovery period is going to be long and difficult. And that’s what I told this young student. I said: ‘I know you’re hurting. I know these problems seem impossible. But they’re not. And I can help you solve them.’ ”

Conclusion
IT’S TOO SOON to judge the analytic-rumination hypothesis. Nobody knows if depression is an adaptation or if Andrews and Thomson have merely spun another “Just So” story, a clever evolutionary tale that lacks direct evidence. Nevertheless, their speculation is part of a larger scientific re-evaluation of negative moods, which have long been seen as emotional states to avoid. The dismissal of sadness and its synonyms is perhaps best exemplified by the rise of positive psychology, a scientific field devoted to the pursuit of happiness. In recent years, a number of positive psychologists have written popular self-help books, like “The How of Happiness” and “Authentic Happiness,” that try to outline the scientific principles behind “lasting fulfillment” and “getting the life we want.”

The new research on negative moods, however, suggests that sadness comes with its own set of benefits and that even our most unpleasant feelings serve an important purpose. Joe Forgas, a social psychologist at the University of New South Wales in Australia, has repeatedly demonstrated in experiments that negative moods lead to better decisions in complex situations. The reason, Forgas suggests, is rooted in the intertwined nature of mood and cognition: sadness promotes “information-processing strategies best suited to dealing with more-demanding situations.” This helps explain why test subjects who are melancholy — Forgas induces the mood with a short film about death and cancer — are better at judging the accuracy of rumors and recalling past events; they’re also much less likely to stereotype strangers.

Last year Forgas ventured beyond the lab and began conducting studies in a small stationery store in suburban Sydney, Australia. The experiment itself was simple: Forgas placed a variety of trinkets, like toy soldiers, plastic animals and miniature cars, near the checkout counter. As shoppers exited, Forgas tested their memory, asking them to list as many of the items as possible. To control for the effect of mood, Forgas conducted the survey on gray, rainy days — he accentuated the weather by playing Verdi’s “Requiem” — and on sunny days, using a soundtrack of Gilbert and Sullivan. The results were clear: shoppers in the “low mood” condition remembered nearly four times as many of the trinkets. The wet weather made them sad, and their sadness made them more aware and attentive.

The enhancement of these mental skills might also explain the striking correlation between creative production and depressive disorders. In a survey led by the neuroscientist Nancy Andreasen, 30 writers from the Iowa Writers’ Workshop were interviewed about their mental history. Eighty percent of the writers met the formal diagnostic criteria for some form of depression. A similar theme emerged from biographical studies of British writers and artists by Kay Redfield Jamison, a professor of psychiatry at Johns Hopkins, who found that successful individuals were eight times as likely as people in the general population to suffer from major depressive illness.

Mental Illness And Creativity
Why is mental illness so closely associated with creativity? Andreasen argues that depression is intertwined with a “cognitive style” that makes people more likely to produce successful works of art. In the creative process, Andreasen says, “one of the most important qualities is persistence.” Based on the Iowa sample, Andreasen found that “successful writers are like prizefighters who keep on getting hit but won’t go down. They’ll stick with it until it’s right.” While Andreasen acknowledges the burden of mental illness — she quotes Robert Lowell on depression not being a “gift of the Muse” and describes his reliance on lithium to escape the pain — she argues that many forms of creativity benefit from the relentless focus it makes possible. “Unfortunately, this type of thinking is often inseparable from the suffering,” she says. “If you’re at the cutting edge, then you’re going to bleed.”

And then there’s the virtue of self-loathing, which is one of the symptoms of depression. When people are stuck in the ruminative spiral, their achievements become invisible; the mind is only interested in what has gone wrong. While this condition is typically linked to withdrawal and silence —  people become unwilling to communicate — there’s some suggestive evidence that states of unhappiness can actually improve our expressive abilities. Forgas said he has found that sadness correlates with clearer and more compelling sentences, and that negative moods “promote a more concrete, accommodative and ultimately more successful communication style.” Because we’re more critical of what we’re writing, we produce more refined prose, the sentences polished by our angst. As Roland Barthes observed, “A creative writer is one for whom writing is a problem.”

This line of research led Andrews to conduct his own experiment, as he sought to better understand the link between negative mood and improved analytical abilities. He gave 115 undergraduates an abstract-reasoning test known as Raven’s Progressive Matrices, which requires subjects to identify a missing segment in a larger pattern. (Performance on the task strongly predicts general intelligence.) The first thing Andrews found was that nondepressed students showed an increase in “depressed affect” after taking the test. In other words, the mere presence of a challenging problem — even an abstract puzzle — induced a kind of attentive trance, which led to feelings of sadness. It doesn’t matter if we’re working on a mathematical equation or working through a broken heart: the anatomy of focus is inseparable from the anatomy of melancholy. This suggests that depressive disorder is an extreme form of an ordinary thought process, part of the dismal machinery that draws us toward our problems, like a magnet to metal.

But is that closeness effective? Does the despondency help us solve anything? Andrews found a significant correlation between depressed affect and individual performance on the intelligence test, at least once the subjects were distracted from their pain: lower moods were associated with higher scores. “The results were clear,” Andrews says. “Depressed affect made people think better.” The challenge, of course, is persuading people to accept their misery, to embrace the tonic of despair. To say that depression has a purpose or that sadness makes us smarter says nothing about its awfulness. A fever, after all, might have benefits, but we still take pills to make it go away. This is the paradox of evolution: even if our pain is useful, the urge to escape from the pain remains the most powerful instinct of all.

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