Instead of the platitudes one associates with moralists, a person reading the Gospels for the first time “would find a number of strange claims…a number of very startling pieces of advice; a number of stunning rebukes; a number of strangely beautiful stories.” Instead of platitudes, for instance, about peace, such a reader would find several ideals of non-resistance, which taken as they stand would be rather too pacific for any pacifist.
But, on the other hand, our reader would not find a word of all that obvious rhetoric against war which has filled countless books. There is nothing that throws any particular light on Christ’s attitude towards organized warfare, except that he seems to have been rather fond of Roman soldiers.
Indeed it is another perplexity… that he seems to have got on much better with Romans than he did with Jew: truth is, Chesterton concludes, the Jesus of popular conception is ‘‘a made-up figure, a piece of artificial selection, like the merely evolutionary man’‘and impossible to reconcile with the real Jesus of the Gospels, ‘‘ a strolling carpenter’s apprentice’‘who ‘‘ said calmly and almost carelessly, like one looking over his shoulder: “Before Abraham was, I am.”
Chesterton gives examples of how it is the Church that explains the riddles of the Gospel. The assertion, for instance, that the meek inherit the earth was not at all “a meek statement’‘, but rather ‘‘a very violent statement; in the sense of doing violence to reason and probability.” But as a prophecy it would one day be fulfilled in monasticism: ‘‘The monasteries were the most practical and prosperous estates and experiments in reconstruction after the barbaric deluge; the meek did really inherit the earth.”
Again, the story of Martha and Mary found its fulfillment in ‘‘the mystics of the Christian contemplative life.” If the Gospels could be read as though they were ‘‘ as new as newspaper reports, they would puzzle and perhaps terrify us as much more than the same things as developed by historical Christianity: “For instance, Christ after a clear allusion to the eunuchs of the eastern courts, said there would be eunuchs of the kingdom of heaven. If this does not mean the voluntary enthusiasm of virginity, it could only be made to mean something much more unnatural or uncouth.”
As an example of “the originality of the Gospel.” Chesterton takes the “exaltation of childhood”, as strong and as startling as any. But the literary style itself of Jesus was also highly original: “It had among other things a singular air of piling tower upon tower by the use of the a, fortiori …”. And above all, his speaking as though he were divine was absolutely unique: ‘‘ of no other prophet or philosopher of the same intellectual order, would it be even possible to pretend that he had made such a claim.
The case of Jesus Christ was unique: only a “monomaniac” could make such a claim, but no one thought that ‘‘ the preacher of the Sermon on the Mount was a horrible half-witted imbecile’‘. However, in spite of the Sermon on the Mount, there was a “quality running through all his teachings” that seemed to Chesterton “to be neglected in most modern talk about them as teachings; and that is the persistent suggestion that he has not really to come to teach’‘– but rather “to die”.
And, when the moment came for him to die, it was “the supremely supernatural act, of all his miraculous life, that he did not vanish,” that he did not miraculously disappear. On that Good Friday, Chesterton notes that it is ‘‘the best things in the world that are at their worst, the priests of a true monotheism and the soldiers of an international civilization.”
Although ‘‘ Rome was almost another name for responsibility’‘, the Roman governor Pontius Pilate “stands for ever as a sort of rocking statue of the irresponsible: “He who is enthroned to say what is justice can only ask, “What is truth?”
And the Jewish priests who were “proud that they alone could look upon the blinding sun of a single deity… did not know that they themselves had gone blind.” Of the crucifixion itself Chesterton refuses to speak — for
if there be any sound that can produce a silence, we may surely be silent about the end and the extremity; when a cry was driven out of that darkness in words dreadfully distinct and dreadfully unintelligible, which man shall never undertand in all the eternity they have purchased for him; and for one annihilating instant an abyss that is not for our thoughts had opened even in the unity of the absolute; and God had been forsaken of God.
Chesterton had in fact dared to speak of this terrible paradox in Orthodoxy.
When giving Peter authority over his Church, Christ used the two symbols of rock and keys. What he meant by saying that on the Peter he would build his Church was another example of something that could only fully expand and explain itself afterwards, and even long afterwards.”. But the other image of the keys, Chesterton suggests, “has an exactitude that has hardly been exactly noticed.”
Its “peculiar aptness” lay in the fact that the early “Christian movement” claimed to possess that a key that could unlock the prison of the whole world; and let in the white daylight of liberty.” The Christian creed was like a key in three ways: a key is above all things a thing with a shape. It is a thing that depends entirely upon keeping its shape. The Christian creed is above all things the philosophy of shapes and the enemy of shapelessness.”
Chesterton presses home the analogy: “A man told that his solitary latchkey had been melted down with a million others into a Buddhist unity would be annoyed. But a man told that his key was gradually growing and sprouting in his pocket and branching into new wards or complications, would not be more gratified.”
Secondly, the point about a key is that it either fits or does fit the lock. If it fits the lock, then it is pointless to ask for ‘‘ a simpler key that has a less ‘‘ fantastic shape’‘. And, thirdly, to complain about the key having the ‘‘elaborate pattern” that is necessary to open the lock is like complaining about Christianity ‘‘being so early complicated with theology’‘.
If Christianity had “faced the world only with the platitudes about peace and simplicity some moralists would confine it to, it would not have had the faintest effect on that luxurious and labyrinthine lunatic asylum’‘. The creed was complicated, because the problem with the world was “a complicated problem.”
Although it did seem ‘‘ complex” like the key, there was ‘‘ one thing about it that was simple. It opened the door. “The truth was that the “purity” of the creed was “preserved by dogmatic definitions and exclusions.” “It could not possibly have been preserved by anything else.”
The enlightened modern liberals who deride the Athanasian dogma of Co-Eternity of the Divine Son’‘as “a dreadful example of barren dogma” are the same people who like to ‘‘ offer us as a piece of pure and simple Christianity, untroubled by doctrinal disputes … the single sentence, “God is Love”. “But the dogma is there to protect that very sentence.” The barren dogma is only the logical way of stating the beautiful sentiment. Never has the vital importance of defined doctrine been more compellingly expressed:
For if there be a being without beginning, existing before all things, was He loving when there was nothing to be loved? If through that unthinkable eternity He is lonely, what is the meaning of saying He is love? The only justification of such a mystery is the mystical conception that in His own nature there was something analogous to self-expression; something of what begets and beholds what it has begotten. Without some such idea, it is really illogical to complicate the ultimate essence of deity with an idea like love.
It was “the defiance of Athanasius to the cold compromise of the Arians that was the trumpet of true Christianity.”
It was emphatically he who really was fighting for a God of Love against a God of colorless and remote cosmic control; the God of the stoics and the agnostics…. He was fighting for that very balance of beautiful interdependence and intimacy, in the very Trinity of the Divine Nature, that draws our hearts to the Trinity of the Holy Family. His dogma, if the phrase be not misunderstood, turns even God into a Holy Family.
Islam, on the other hand, was ‘‘ a barbaric reaction against that very humane complexity… that idea of balance in the deity, as of balance in the family, that makes that creed a sort of sanity, and that sanity the soul of civilization.” For Islam was “a product of Christianity; even if it was a byproduct; even if it was a bad product.”
There was one thing that pagan mythology and philosophy had in common: “both were really sad. “Christianity brought hope into the world. And it was a dogmatic Christianity that did this because of its very liberality. Modem theological liberals cannot understand that “the only liberal part of their theology is really the dogmatic part.”
If dogma is incredible, it is because it is incredibly liberal. If it is irrational, it can only be in giving us more assurance of freedom than is justified by reason. “The doctrine of free will may seem irrational, but it is hardly liberality to deny personal freedom. Without the dogmas of dogmatic Christianity, monotheism turns into monism and consequently into despotism:
It is precisely the unknown God of the scientist, with his impenetrable purpose and his inevitable and unalterable law that reminds us of a Prussian autocrat making rigid plans in a remote tent and moving mankind like machinery. It is precisely the God of miracles and of answered prayers who reminds us of a liberal and popular prince, receiving petitions …
It is the Catholic, who has the feeling that his prayers do make a difference, when offered for the living and the dead, who also has the feeling of living like a free citizen in something almost like a constitutional commonwealth. It is the monist who lives under a single iron law who must have the feeling of living like a slave under a sultan.
Indeed I believe that the original use of the word suffragium, which we now use in politics for a vote was that employed in theology about a prayer. The dead in Purgatory were said to have the suffrages of the living. And in this sense, of a sort of right of petition to the supreme ruler, we may truly say that the whole of the Communion of Saints as well as the whole of the Church Militant, is founded on universal suffrage.
What theological liberals really mean is that “dogma is too good to be true ‘‘too liberal to be likely.”









Sinners and Saints By Bruce Boucher
February 20, 2013According to a legend popular in Caravaggio’s time, after Christ’s death his faithful female disciple Mary of Magdala moved to southern France, where she lived as a hermit in a cave at Sainte-Beune near Aix-en-Provence. There she was transported seven times a day by angels into the presence of God, “where she heard, with her bodily ears, the delightful harmonies of the celestial choirs.” Earlier artists had depicted Mary ascending into the divine presence through multicoloured clouds accompanied by angels; Caravaggio made the supernatural an entirely interior experience, with the Magdalen alone against a featureless dark background, caught in a ray of intense light, her head lolling back and eyes stained with tears. This revolutionary naturalistic interpretation of the legend also allowed him to capture the ambiguous parallel between mystical and erotic love, in Mary’s semi-reclining posture and bared shoulder. The painting was immensely influential for future treatment of the theme by artists such as Rubens and Simon Vouet (who adopted Carvaggio’s earth-bound Magdalen but reintroduced the angels), and of course Bernini and his celebrated Ecstasy of St Theresa
A biography and an analysis of the Italian painter who used the outcast as models for his religious works. Caravaggio A Life by Helen Langdon.
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One memorable scene in Derek Jarman’s film ”Caravaggio” [a poor film, mostly unwatchable: dj]shows the painter struggling for inspiration as he composes his masterpiece, ”The Marytrdom of St. Matthew”: models and hangers-on fill an improbably large studio while Caravaggio barks orders like a film director. It is a clever if simplistic metaphor of artistic creation, reflecting the criticisms leveled at the painter during his life, for Caravaggio was commonly held to paint only what he saw, invoking nature as his guide.
Like all cliches, Jarman’s interpretation contained a nugget of truth: Caravaggio did undermine the conventional hierarchies of art, glorying in an earthy naturalism too strong for his politer contemporaries. Yet this rebel was also courted by connoisseurs and prelates; he hungered after the status of a gentleman and was as much concerned with his rapier as his brush. Dead at 39, Caravaggio transformed painting while losing himself in a legend even more outlandish than his own life.
Helen Langdon’s ”Caravaggio: A Life” disinters the man and artist from romantic fantasies spun around him and retells his stormy career from impoverished obscurity to celebrated notoriety. Her readings of his paintings are informed by an intimate knowledge of the period; deftly interweaving artifact and milieu, she re-creates the demimonde so lovingly depicted by him and reaffirms his achievement by placing it in a new and more objective context.
Langdon employs a familiar though risky strategy, if only because what is known of Caravaggio’s life would scarcely fill a dozen pages, and her book is occasionally overwhelmed by extended discussions of prostitution or Counter-Reformation piety. Yet, given such a tale of gambling, murder and flight, no one could seriously complain. Langdon’s narrative reads like a chapter from Manzoni’s classic novel, ”The Betrothed,” depicting a society in which violence was never far from the surface.
Caravaggio, who was born in 1571, first learned his craft in provincial Lombardy among artists struggling to convey naturalism and directness at a time when Rome and Florence were dominated by artistic fashions more idealized and self-referential. His training proved a saving grace when he reached Rome in 1592; he brought to his work a talent for simplicity and close observation that contrasted with the high art of the day. He later said a still life required as much skill as figurative painting, and his work was often so vivid as to make critics believe he always had a model before him.
An early painting of the penitent Mary Magdalene seemed so lifelike that it was once believed to have been a simple study of a girl drying her hair, only retrospectively dignified with a religious title. Under the patronage of the influential Francesco Maria Cardinal Del Monte, Caravaggio experimented with highly colored genre paintings of cardsharps, musicians and gypsies, works that reminded contemporaries of the Venetian painter Giorgione.
When given the opportunity to demonstrate his skill on a larger scale, Caravaggio elevated the commonplace through his revolutionary canvases on the life of St. Matthew. Rejecting the ideal art of Raphael and Michelangelo, he placed the saint among the tricksters and rogues of his own day, even displacing Christ to the far corner of the canvas. A hard, cold light streams down on Matthew and renders his conversion all the more powerful by his isolation among the indifferent crowd. As Langdon reminds us, Caravaggio created a highly personal view of biblical times, couched in the fashions of contemporary Rome, thus transforming the present into an echo of biblical truth and simultaneously opening a debate about the role of naturalism in history painting.
The St. Matthew cycle brought him success, which proved as difficult to handle as failure. A subsequent altarpiece of the death of the Virgin was rejected as lascivious and shocking, for his model was reputed to be ”a dirty old whore” from the Roman slums. Caravaggio’s ”deviant” art was matched by mood swings and violence, and in one sense his early biographers were right when they drew an analogy between his somber paintings and his character.
Contemporaries observed that he was ”proud and satirical . . . always ready to argue or fight”; he brawled with allies and adversaries alike. As major commissions began to elude him, his life spiraled out of control. Finally he killed Ranuccio Tomassoni, a longtime adversary, during a murky street fight. Not lingering for justice, Caravaggio fled Rome and began a four-year exile, during which, as a later biographer wrote, ”fear haunted him from place to place.”
His last years were spent on the run in Naples, Malta and Sicily, where he produced a clutch of masterpieces whose themes dealt with persecution and death — an extension, perhaps, of his troubled state of mind. His late painting ”The Resurrection of Lazarus,” in Messina, seems like a reprise of his earlier altarpieces, pared to bleak essentials and with its protagonists caught in a harrowing struggle between light and dark.
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