Archive for the ‘Understanding Dostoevsky’ Category

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Dostoevsky and the Catholic Church — David Allen White

January 20, 2011

 

David Allen White is a professor of English at the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland and provides here an introduction to Dostoevsky and his relationship with the Catholic Church.

“Dostoevsky absorbed the New Testament in prison. He also learned an important life lesson. Earlier, in a letter to his brother Mikhail, he had written, “Man is an enigma. This enigma must be solved. And if you spend all your life at it, don’t say you have wasted your time; I occupy myself with this enigma because I wish to be a man.” Part of the enigma clarified for him during his prison years. He discovered that not all the underprivileged were high-minded or good. Many were degenerate scum. He rejected the “noble peasant” idea found in most of Tolstoy’s writing and realized men must be judged one by one, on their individual merits. Social class could not be used as a key to defining character.

He also learned from experience something about the savage nature of human beings. Through observation of his fellow prisoners he saw that we are disordered creatures, subject to outbursts of irrational passions and destructive action. The more the individual personality was confined and controlled, the more subject it became to these frenetic explosions of willfulness. Part of this turbulence could be defined as a desire of the individual will to express its own freedom. Human freedom had a compulsive need to demonstrate its own existence. Dostoevsky’s great biographer Joseph Frank puts the idea this way, “To fulfill this drive, men will sacrifice all other goods and values; and if they are unable to satisfy it in any way, the results can be disastrous.”

Dostoevsky himself proved this “disastrous” freedom by making a bad marriage in 1858 and giving in to his temptation for gambling, a vice that haunted him for his entire life but did produce his brilliant dissection of the addiction, The Gambler. He also came to be afflicted with epilepsy. He distanced himself from his old friends as his political views became more and more conservative. He saw clearly that man does not above all need material well being in this world, but rather spiritual redemption. What Christ taught mankind, he now knew, was that salvation can come only through suffering. Man must be ready to share the sufferings of Christ in order to find salvation. In a world increasingly absorbed with progress and utopias and comfort, Dostoevsky shouts, “No! Christ lives and what He teaches us is that we must suffer.”

Such belief could be neither easy nor constant in the modern world. “I will tell you that I am a child of the century, a child of disbelief and doubt. I will remain so until the grave. How much terrible torture this thirst for faith has cost me and costs me even now which is all the stronger in my soul the more arguments I can find against it. And yet God sends me sometimes instants when I am completely calm. At those instants I love and feel loved by others and it is at those instants that I have shaped for myself a Credo where everything is clear and sacred to me. This credo is very simple. Here it is: To believe that nothing is more beautiful, profound, sympathetic, reasonable, manly, and perfect than Christ. And I tell myself with a jealous love that not only is there nothing more but there can be nothing more. Even more, if someone proved to me that Christ is outside the truth and that in reality the truth were outside of Christ, then I should prefer to remain with Christ rather than with the truth.”

Joseph Frank summarizes Dostoevsky’s view of modern man in this way, “Not to believe in Christ and immortality is to be condemned to live in a senseless universe and the characters in his great novels who reach this level of self-awareness inevitably destroy themselves because by refusing to endure the torment of living without hope they have become monsters in their misery.”

This great struggle between belief and disbelief informs all the great novels from Notes From Underground through The Brothers Karamazov. After nursing his wife through her fatal illness and then losing his beloved brother Mikhail, Dostoevsky was granted the grace of a devoted second wife, Anna Grigoryevna Snitkina. Hired to be his secretary, she became his spiritual consolation. He dictated to her the vast fictional canvases on which an array of recognizable human souls struggle with grand passions and high ideas. Dmitri Karamazov says God and the devil are fighting and the battlefield is the heart of man. The novels of Dostoevsky come closer to the core of the modern dilemma than any other body of modern literature and his knowledge of human beings is the keenest in art since Shakespeare.

But some great artists may also be graced by God with another gift. Some artists have oracular flashes, offering up profound prophetic pronouncements. Such instances stretch from the vision of Vergil in his Fourth Eclogue (37 B.C.) which suggests the coming of Our Lord as a child who will bring a reign of peace to a troubled world to the chilling example of the Japanese man in Strindberg’s play The Great Highway (1909) who announces that he is named for his native town Hiroshima just before he steps into a furnace and is incinerated. No artist ever set down more accurate prophetic pronouncements than Dostoevsky.

In his great novel about the revolutionary movement, Demons (1872), Dostoevsky accurately predicted not only the coming of socialism to Holy Mother Russia, as he termed his country, but also the devastating consequences. At more than one point in the novel, he has characters pronounce the cold fact that the revolution will triumph “by radically lopping off a hundred million heads.” Shigalyov, the character presenting the plan, admits a problem, for “Starting from unlimited freedom, I conclude with unlimited despotism.” Dostoevsky seemed to witness the abyss into which his country would descend in the twentieth century. He combines his vision of the nightmare looming over Russia with the incident of the Gadarene swine from the Gospel of Luke, a passage he uses as one of the epigraphs for the novel. He again quotes the passage from Luke when a character in the novel, Sofya Matveevna Ulitin, a woman who travels from town to town passing out Gospels, reads the words at the request of the dying liberal professor, Stepan Trofimovich Verkhovensky, the man whose soft socialist teaching has unleashed the “demons” in the next generation. After hearing the passage, the dying professor says:

Terribly many thoughts occur to me now: you see, it’s exactly like our Russia. These demons who come out of a sick man and enter into the swine it’s all the sores, all the miasmas, all the uncleanness, all the big and little demons accumulated in our great and sick man, in our Russia, for centuries, for centuries! Oui, cette Russie que j’aimais toujours. But a great will and a great thought will descend to her from on high, as upon that insane demoniac, and out will come all these demons, all the uncleanness, all the abomination that is festering on the surface…and they will beg of themselves to enter into swine. And perhaps they already have! It is us, us and them, and Petrusha…et les autres avec lui, and I, perhaps, first, at the head, and we will rush, insane and raging, from the cliff down into the sea, and all be drowned, and good riddance to us, because that’s the most we’re fit for. 

Russia is presented as a possessed madman, out of whom demons will rush, infect others and push multitudes of those so “possessed” into destruction. The connection with Our Lady’s message to the shepherd children at Fatima on the eve of the Russian revolution is unmistakable: “Russia will spread her errors throughout the world.”

Dostoevsky makes many Catholic readers uncomfortable. In many of his novels he rails against the Catholic Church. His knowledge of the Catholic Church, however, came largely from the French socialists who had such a profound influence on him in his youth. Dostoevsky viewed the Catholic Church as an institution that had abandoned its spiritual beliefs in a quest to give mankind earthly happiness. He has the Catholic Grand Inquisitor state to Christ in The Brothers Karamazov, “You promised them heavenly bread, but, I repeat again, can it compare with earthly bread in the eyes of the weak, eternally depraved, and eternally ignoble human race?”

Dostoevsky related his sense of how the Catholic social preoccupation worked. “The Catholic priest searches out some miserable worker’s family and gains their confidence. He feeds them all, gives them clothes, provides heating, looks after the sick, buys medicine, becomes the friend of the family and converts them to Catholicism.” This sense of the socially obsessed Catholic Church which places earthly comfort before redemptive suffering and peace on earth before peace of soul must make any post-Vatican II Catholic uncomfortable in its precision. The only error when applied to the Novus Ordo Church is that the priest would no longer attempt to convert the family. The sentimental socialism of the nineteenth-century French intellectuals whom Dostoevsky came to despise found a happy home in the post-conciliar Church.

With his insistence on suffering and salvation, the supernatural and sacrifice, Dostoevsky echoes many of the teachings of the Catholic Church. With his prophetic vision of a possessed Russia unleashing her demons into the world, he echoes the prophecies of Fatima, and not only those prophecies that already come to fruition. The above quoted words from the deathbed of Stepan Trofimovich Verkhovensky in Demons conclude with the following remarks:

But the sick man will be healed and “sit at the feet of Jesus”…and everyone will look in amazement…. Dear, vous comprenez apres, but it excites me very much now…. Vous comprenez apres…. Nous comprendrons ensemble.

David Allen White is a professor of English at the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland and provides here an introduction to Dostoevsky and his relationship with the Catholic Church.

“Dostoevsky absorbed the New Testament in prison. He also learned an important life lesson. Earlier, in a letter to his brother Mikhail, he had written, “Man is an enigma. This enigma must be solved. And if you spend all your life at it, don’t say you have wasted your time; I occupy myself with this enigma because I wish to be a man.” Part of the enigma clarified for him during his prison years. He discovered that not all the underprivileged were high-minded or good. Many were degenerate scum. He rejected the “noble peasant” idea found in most of Tolstoy’s writing and realized men must be judged one by one, on their individual merits. Social class could not be used as a key to defining character.

He also learned from experience something about the savage nature of human beings. Through observation of his fellow prisoners he saw that we are disordered creatures, subject to outbursts of irrational passions and destructive action. The more the individual personality was confined and controlled, the more subject it became to these frenetic explosions of willfulness. Part of this turbulence could be defined as a desire of the individual will to express its own freedom. Human freedom had a compulsive need to demonstrate its own existence. Dostoevsky’s great biographer Joseph Frank puts the idea this way, “To fulfill this drive, men will sacrifice all other goods and values; and if they are unable to satisfy it in any way, the results can be disastrous.”

Dostoevsky himself proved this “disastrous” freedom by making a bad marriage in 1858 and giving in to his temptation for gambling, a vice that haunted him for his entire life but did produce his brilliant dissection of the addiction, The Gambler. He also came to be afflicted with epilepsy. He distanced himself from his old friends as his political views became more and more conservative. He saw clearly that man does not above all need material well being in this world, but rather spiritual redemption. What Christ taught mankind, he now knew, was that salvation can come only through suffering. Man must be ready to share the sufferings of Christ in order to find salvation. In a world increasingly absorbed with progress and utopias and comfort, Dostoevsky shouts, “No! Christ lives and what He teaches us is that we must suffer.”

Such belief could be neither easy nor constant in the modern world. “I will tell you that I am a child of the century, a child of disbelief and doubt. I will remain so until the grave. How much terrible torture this thirst for faith has cost me and costs me even now which is all the stronger in my soul the more arguments I can find against it. And yet God sends me sometimes instants when I am completely calm. At those instants I love and feel loved by others and it is at those instants that I have shaped for myself a Credo where everything is clear and sacred to me. This credo is very simple. Here it is: To believe that nothing is more beautiful, profound, sympathetic, reasonable, manly, and perfect than Christ. And I tell myself with a jealous love that not only is there nothing more but there can be nothing more. Even more, if someone proved to me that Christ is outside the truth and that in reality the truth were outside of Christ, then I should prefer to remain with Christ rather than with the truth.”

Joseph Frank summarizes Dostoevsky’s view of modern man in this way, “Not to believe in Christ and immortality is to be condemned to live in a senseless universe and the characters in his great novels who reach this level of self-awareness inevitably destroy themselves because by refusing to endure the torment of living without hope they have become monsters in their misery.”

This great struggle between belief and disbelief informs all the great novels from Notes From Underground through The Brothers Karamazov. After nursing his wife through her fatal illness and then losing his beloved brother Mikhail, Dostoevsky was granted the grace of a devoted second wife, Anna Grigoryevna Snitkina. Hired to be his secretary, she became his spiritual consolation. He dictated to her the vast fictional canvases on which an array of recognizable human souls struggle with grand passions and high ideas. Dmitri Karamazov says God and the devil are fighting and the battlefield is the heart of man. The novels of Dostoevsky come closer to the core of the modern dilemma than any other body of modern literature and his knowledge of human beings is the keenest in art since Shakespeare.

But some great artists may also be graced by God with another gift. Some artists have oracular flashes, offering up profound prophetic pronouncements. Such instances stretch from the vision of Vergil in his Fourth Eclogue (37 B.C.) which suggests the coming of Our Lord as a child who will bring a reign of peace to a troubled world to the chilling example of the Japanese man in Strindberg’s play The Great Highway (1909) who announces that he is named for his native town Hiroshima just before he steps into a furnace and is incinerated. No artist ever set down more accurate prophetic pronouncements than Dostoevsky.

In his great novel about the revolutionary movement, Demons (1872), Dostoevsky accurately predicted not only the coming of socialism to Holy Mother Russia, as he termed his country, but also the devastating consequences. At more than one point in the novel, he has characters pronounce the cold fact that the revolution will triumph “by radically lopping off a hundred million heads.” Shigalyov, the character presenting the plan, admits a problem, for “Starting from unlimited freedom, I conclude with unlimited despotism.” Dostoevsky seemed to witness the abyss into which his country would descend in the twentieth century. He combines his vision of the nightmare looming over Russia with the incident of the Gadarene swine from the Gospel of Luke, a passage he uses as one of the epigraphs for the novel. He again quotes the passage from Luke when a character in the novel, Sofya Matveevna Ulitin, a woman who travels from town to town passing out Gospels, reads the words at the request of the dying liberal professor, Stepan Trofimovich Verkhovensky, the man whose soft socialist teaching has unleashed the “demons” in the next generation. After hearing the passage, the dying professor says:

Terribly many thoughts occur to me now: you see, it’s exactly like our Russia. These demons who come out of a sick man and enter into the swine it’s all the sores, all the miasmas, all the uncleanness, all the big and little demons accumulated in our great and sick man, in our Russia, for centuries, for centuries! Oui, cette Russie que j’aimais toujours. But a great will and a great thought will descend to her from on high, as upon that insane demoniac, and out will come all these demons, all the uncleanness, all the abomination that is festering on the surface…and they will beg of themselves to enter into swine. And perhaps they already have! It is us, us and them, and Petrusha…et les autres avec lui, and I, perhaps, first, at the head, and we will rush, insane and raging, from the cliff down into the sea, and all be drowned, and good riddance to us, because that’s the most we’re fit for.  

Russia is presented as a possessed madman, out of whom demons will rush, infect others and push multitudes of those so “possessed” into destruction. The connection with Our Lady’s message to the shepherd children at Fatima on the eve of the Russian revolution is unmistakable: “Russia will spread her errors throughout the world.”

Dostoevsky makes many Catholic readers uncomfortable. In many of his novels he rails against the Catholic Church. His knowledge of the Catholic Church, however, came largely from the French socialists who had such a profound influence on him in his youth. Dostoevsky viewed the Catholic Church as an institution that had abandoned its spiritual beliefs in a quest to give mankind earthly happiness. He has the Catholic Grand Inquisitor state to Christ in The Brothers Karamazov, “You promised them heavenly bread, but, I repeat again, can it compare with earthly bread in the eyes of the weak, eternally depraved, and eternally ignoble human race?”

Dostoevsky related his sense of how the Catholic social preoccupation worked. “The Catholic priest searches out some miserable worker’s family and gains their confidence. He feeds them all, gives them clothes, provides heating, looks after the sick, buys medicine, becomes the friend of the family and converts them to Catholicism.” This sense of the socially obsessed Catholic Church which places earthly comfort before redemptive suffering and peace on earth before peace of soul must make any post-Vatican II Catholic uncomfortable in its precision. The only error when applied to the Novus Ordo Church is that the priest would no longer attempt to convert the family. The sentimental socialism of the nineteenth-century French intellectuals whom Dostoevsky came to despise found a happy home in the post-conciliar Church.

With his insistence on suffering and salvation, the supernatural and sacrifice, Dostoevsky echoes many of the teachings of the Catholic Church. With his prophetic vision of a possessed Russia unleashing her demons into the world, he echoes the prophecies of Fatima, and not only those prophecies that already come to fruition. The above quoted words from the deathbed of Stepan Trofimovich Verkhovensky in Demons conclude with the following remarks:

But the sick man will be healed and “sit at the feet of Jesus”…and everyone will look in amazement…. Dear, vous comprenez apres, but it excites me very much now…. Vous comprenez apres…. Nous comprendrons ensemble.

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Reading Selections from “Ivan Karamazov’s Mistake” by Ralph C. Wood

October 15, 2010

Ralph C. Wood is University Professor of Theology and Literature at Baylor University. This is a First Thing’s article published in 2004 and combines a lot of threads of arguments that I have been posting here. It is the finest restatement I’ve come across of Doestoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov which I read in my middle teens one summer and completely misunderstood. The book possessed me.

In fact, I became a mini-me of Ivan, a wise-ass teen who brutally disappointed an uncle who was concerned for my spiritual growth. One of my acts of contrition during my conversion has been to revisit these events and my reading of Dostoevsky to try and figure out how I could have been so wrong, so unthinking, so thoughtless. It’s been fifty years since these events transpired but regret cuts deeply. In this case, time can actually open wounds. Ivan Karamazov’s mistake was my mistake also.

Freedom And Suffering
It is has become commonplace to regard Ivan Karamazov’s “Legend of the Grand Inquisitor” as a prescient parable glorifying human freedom and defending it against the kind of totalitarian threats it would face in the twentieth century. Fyodor Dostoevsky’s angry atheist delivers an uncanny prophecy of the omnicompetent, freedom-denying state that would arise in his own native Russia.

But concerning the liberty that is the only cure for state-sponsored oppression, Ivan is terribly wrong. The Christ of the Grand Inquisitor advocates an idea of freedom that Dostoevsky considered an abomination. It is linked to Ivan’s critique of God for allowing innocent suffering. For Dostoevsky, the problem of evil and the question of human liberty are profoundly joined: our answer to one quandary determines our answer to the other. Freedom and suffering are interstitial realities, as the Grand Inquisitor understands, even if he understands them wrongly.

Ivan: A Very Russian Atheist
Western readers of The Brothers Karamazov have remained virtually blind to Dostoevsky’s critique of the Grand Inquisitor. The reason, I believe, is that Ivan’s vision of human freedom is so very near to our own secular notion of liberty, and thus to our increasing relegation of the Christian gospel to the private sphere of mere preference. Though he was a student of Western Christianity and culture, Dostoevsky remained fundamentally Russian in his conception of God and the world, of good and evil, of the sacred and the secular. We cannot properly understand his treatment of these matters, therefore, until we grasp his Orthodox reading of them. Thus must we examine his parable of the Grand Inquisitor vis–à–vis the Orthodox doctrine of human freedom as being founded not on autonomous choice but on communal dependence on God.

Ivan Karamazov is no straw atheist. He gives voice to the philosophical problem of evil perhaps more clearly and cogently than any other speaker or actor, any other philosopher or theologian, in the whole of world literature. Yet he is also a very Russian atheist. He thinks with his solar plexus, as D. H. Lawrence might have said. He is passionately intellectual. Ivan does not pose the question of theodicy as a philosophical conundrum, as it is often posed in the West. From Leibniz through Hume, from Alvin Plantinga to J. L. Mackie, the problem of evil has often been cast in bare intellectual terms: how to think through the contradiction that stands between the goodness, omniscience, and omnipotence of God, on the one hand, and the massive misery and undeserved suffering that characterize God’s world, on the other.

In J.B., his dramatic contemporizing of the Job story, Archibald MacLeish puts the intellectual problem of evil tersely but accurately: “If God is good He is not God. If God is God He is not good.” If God is imbued with the charity which He Himself enjoins His creatures to live by, then He must lack the divine power to create and sustain a world in which such charity obtains: He is not God. If, by contrast, God possesses the sovereignty and strength to perform what He wills, then this misery–riddled world must be proof that He is deficient in love itself: He is not good.

Ivan does not make his case against God’s goodness in this intellectualized fashion. He is not a philosophical thinker who abstracts ideas from experience in order to test their logical clarity and coherence. As Albert Camus observed, “Ivan really lives his problems.” They are matters, quite literally, of life and death, of eternal life and eternal death, of ultimate bliss or final misery. Ivan is willing to face the anguish and terror inherent not only in thinking but also in living without God.

As one who knows the truths of the heart, Ivan also knows that reason alone cannot fathom the deepest things. On the contrary, reason can be put to nefarious uses: “Reason is a scoundrel,” he confesses. Ivan is willing, therefore, to live “even . . . against logic.” Yet he is unwilling to live as a mindless vitalist, embracing life without much regard for its meaning and, even less, with a blithe disregard for its injustice. So huge are the world’s moral horrors, Ivan argues, that they undermine any notion of divine order and purpose.

Ivan’s Quandary
Hence Ivan’s truly wrenching quandary: Can he love life without believing that it has ultimate meaning — believing, instead, that it is godless and absurd? Ivan is young and strong. He brims with intellectual curiosity no less than bodily energy. He wants to travel to Europe and to learn its science and its history. As a good romantic, Ivan cites Schiller’s celebrated line about the “sticky little leaves” whose gummy unfolding in spring seems to signal the whole world’s rebirth. They remind Ivan of all that is precious in life, the glories of human love and natural splendor, the inward movement of all things toward life’s energizing center.

God Does Not Satisfy The Requirements Of Ivan’s Logic
There is still an awful lot of centripetal force on our planet, Alyosha. I want to live, and I do live, even if it be against logic. Though I do not believe in the order of things, still the sticky little leaves that come out in the spring are dear to me, the blue sky is dear to me, some people are dear to me, whom one loves sometimes, would you believe it, without even knowing why; some human deeds are dear to me, which one has perhaps long ceased believing in, but still honors with one’s heart, out of old habit.

It is noteworthy that Ivan makes this confession to his young brother Alyosha just after he has broken off relations with Katerina Ivanovna. Ivan feels as free and light as the air. Living in this detached and uncommitted — indeed, this almost angelic — state, Ivan makes qualifications that are altogether as important as his affirmations. Though he wants to drink life to the lees, he confesses that only “some people” and only “some human deeds” are dear to him, and that he loves them only “sometimes.”

Ivan deliberately denies the teaching of Father Zosima, the head of an Orthodox monastery who also stands at the religious center of the novel. Father Zosima insists that love cannot be selective, that it must be at once universal and concrete, that we must not love those who are conveniently remote so much as those who are inconveniently near.

Already, it is evident, the philosophical and the religious arguments are linked. Ivan not only thinks but also lives in autonomous and anti–communal terms. It is precisely the neighbor whom we cannot love, he insists. The neighbor’s objective and objectionable otherness — his bad breath, his foolish face, his ill manners — threaten Ivan’s sovereign selfhood. Of such a neighbor, Ivan complains like an early Jean–Paul Sartre that “he is another and not me.” Despite his eager embrace of the world, therefore, Ivan wants to remain a solitary and transcendent judge over it, a godlike withholder no less than a gracious giver of praise. Others must satisfy his own criteria before he will embrace them. And because God does not satisfy the requirements of Ivan’s logic, he will not believe in God.

Ivan’s Case Against God’s Goodness
Yet Ivan’s logic is not sophomoric. He makes a strenuous case against God’s goodness. He refuses, for example, to cite the many natural calamities — typhoons and tornadoes, floods and droughts, fires and earthquakes and disease — that seem to disclose a ham–fisted Creator. Ivan knows that such cosmic evils might be attributed to a natural process that is divinely ordered. Like Job, he might discover that, while the natural order seems inimical to human happiness, its operations might have their own purposes, not revealing any divine hostility toward human well–being.

But Ivan is not vexed chiefly with natural evils. He cares about moral evils, about the crimes that we human creatures commit. The standard explanation of such moral evils is that they are the unfortunate consequence of human freedom. God’s uncoerced creatures, so the argument runs, are capable of grossly misusing their liberty. If God were to prevent evil human actions, His world would no longer be free.

Ivan subjects the standard free–will defense of the divine goodness to devastating critique. At best, he says, the free perversion of human will explains only the suffering of adults, the grown–ups who are accountable for the evils that they both cause and suffer. They have eaten the apple of knowledge, says Ivan. Because they have followed the demonic temptation to become “as gods,” they deserve their self–wrought misery.

What this standard theodicy cannot account for, Ivan maintains, is the agony of children whose wills are still innocent. That their suffering results from human cruelty more than natural mishap makes it all the more horrible. As Ivan notices, animals rarely torment their prey. Only our human kind derives erotic pleasure from its savagery, becoming virtual voluptuaries of cruelty. In a passage that would have made even the Marquis de Sade tremble, Ivan declares the awful allurement of unprotected innocence. “It is precisely the defenselessness of these creatures that tempts the torturers, the angelic trustfulness of the child, who has nowhere to turn and no one to turn to — that is what enflames the vile blood of the torturer.”

Ivan offers searing examples of such wanton and motiveless malignity. Indeed, he creates a virtual phantasmagoria of suffering from actual instances of human barbarity that he has read about in Russian newspapers: Turkish soldiers cutting babies from their mother’s wombs and throwing them in the air in order to impale them on their bayonets; enlightened parents stuffing their five–year–old daughter’s mouth with excrement and locking her in a freezing privy all night for having wet the bed, while they themselves sleep soundly; Genevan Christians teaching a naive peasant to bless the good God even as the poor dolt is beheaded for thefts and murders that his ostensibly Christian society caused him to commit; a Russian general, offended at an eight–year–old boy for accidentally hurting the paw of the officer’s dog, inciting his wolfhounds to tear the child to pieces; a lady and gentleman flogging their eight–year–old daughter with a birch–rod until she collapses while crying for mercy, “Papa, papa, dear papa.”

Such evils cannot be justified, Ivan argues, either by religious arguments based on history’s beginning or by secular arguments that look to its end. The Edenic exercise of free will is not worth the tears of even one little girl shivering all night in a privy and crying out from her excrement–filled mouth to “dear, kind God” for protection.

Yet neither will Ivan accept the Hegelian–Marxist thesis that the harmonious final outcome of history sublates its present evils. The notion that such savagery reveals the necessary consequences of human freedom or that it contributes to history’s ultimate result is, to Ivan, a moral and religious outrage. Neither is he any more satisfied with the conventional doctrine of hell, which holds that the monsters of torment will themselves be eternally tormented. Hellish punishment for heinous malefactors would not restore their victims, Ivan reminds us. The impaled babies would not be brought back to life nor would their mothers be consoled, the dismembered boy would not live out his years, the weeping girls would not be comforted. Ivan rejects all such theodicies because they belittle innocent suffering and thus commit unforgivable sacrilege against innocent sufferers. With a dramatic metaphor drawn again from Schiller, he refuses to offer his hosanna for such a world: he returns his ticket to such a life.

Ivan’s brief against belief is intellectually unanswerable. Dostoevsky makes no attempt to provide such an answer anywhere in the course of the novel. He concedes that there is no logical justification for the suffering of innocents. Yet this is hardly to say that there are no theological answers to Ivan. It is rather to say that they will be found, if at all, elsewhere than in abstract argument; they will be located in the realm of religion and politics and the everyday requirements of true freedom.

In seeking to embody such answers in living form, Dostoevsky offers the figures of Zosima and Alyosha as his religious counters to Ivan’s atheist revolt. The most notable fact about the monastic elder and his young disciple is that, unlike Ivan, they are not Euclidean men. They believe that, in the most important matters, parallel lines do indeed meet. Things counter can converge because the deepest truths are not univocal but analogical and paradoxical. Theirs is not a three–dimensional block universe but rather a layered cosmos containing multiple orders of being. For Zosima and Alyosha, the material and immaterial worlds are never distant and remote from each other, as in much of Western thought. The created and uncreated realms are deeply intertwined, each participating in the life of the other.

The Iconic Imagination
Ivan remains opaque to this interstitial cosmos that calls for interstitial discernment. Dostoevsky describes it as proniknovenie, an “intuitive seeing through” or a “spiritual penetration.” Such theological sight is the product not of any special intelligence but of the iconic imagination. The icons of Eastern Orthodoxy are produced by a theology of presence rather than one of representation. God’s own splendor is said to radiate through the icon, confronting worshipers with the experience of Uncreated Light.

The icon is not an image that one looks at in order to discern an earthly image of something holy, in an attempt to portray the invisible in visible terms. Nor is it an expression of the artist’s own subjective experience of the sacred. Rather the icon looks out at the beholder. It seeks to open up the eternal realm so that its light might shine forth.

Icons do not seek to embody a discarnate world, but rather to reveal an earthly world that has been rendered transparent by a spiritualization that embraces the entire cosmos. Worshipers are themselves transformed by the invisible light that emanates from the icon, penetrating to the depths of their being and forming their true personhood. At Zosima’s funeral, Alyosha has such a transfiguring experience of this mystical touching of the visible and invisible worlds. It prompts him to repeat the example of his dead master in an iconic gesture of prostration:

Filled with rapture, his soul yearned for freedom, space, vastness. Over him the heavenly dome, full of quiet, shining stars, hung boundlessly. From the zenith to the horizon the still–dim Milky Way stretched its double strand. Night, fresh and quiet, almost unstirring, enveloped the earth. The white towers and golden domes of the church gleamed in the sapphire sky. The luxuriant autumn flowers in the flowerbeds near the house had fallen asleep until morning. The silence of the earth seemed to merge with the silence of the heavens, the mystery of the earth to be touched by the mystery of the stars. . . . Alyosha stood gazing and suddenly, as if he had been cut down, he threw himself to the earth. . . .

It was as if threads from all those innumerable worlds of God all came together in his soul, and it was trembling all over, “touching other worlds.” He wanted to forgive everyone for everything, and to ask forgiveness, oh, not for himself! but for all and for everything, “as others are asking for me,” rang in his soul.

To Become Immortal Is To Become A Unique And Unrepeatable Person
Ivan is blind to this iconic joining of the earthly and heavenly realms, perhaps because he is also blind to the Orthodox understanding of human personhood. After all, he is a man obsessed with Western ideas. Yet Ivan is not a rationalist, as is often said, but rather a thinker who wants to disjoin his thought from its rightful engagement with God and the world. He lives a dichotomous life.

Ivan’s mind is even more severely perverted than his will. He fails to discern, for example, that the doctrine of immortality concerns not only the life that is transfigured in the world to come, but also the life that is meant to be transformed within this world. To use the language of St. Paul found in 1 Corinthians 15 and that of John’s Gospel contained in the novel’s epigraph, mortality is meant to put on immortality, the dying seed to bring forth much fruit. To become immortal is to become a unique and unrepeatable person who has been perfected in both loving and being loved.

No One Can Truly Love Others As He Loves Himself
Ivan’s contention that no one can truly love others as he loves himself is linked, therefore, to his denial of immortality. Ivan holds, as we have seen, that other persons stand like dense Euclidean clumps to block the path of his own autonomy. So long as we are confined within the realm of mere human possibility, Dostoevsky is agreed with Ivan. He despised the soupy benevolence that pervaded much of nineteenth–century European and American culture. “Those who love men in general,” he often said, “hate men in particular.” Yet he also insisted that Christ’s kenosis — the divine self–emptying hymned in Philippians 2 — can accomplish what is humanly impossible: the emptying of human egoism for the sake of true charity. Through this kenotic love that Zosima and his disciple Alyosha both embody, one actually becomes a person by becoming another self — not an Ego but a Thou, a person who exists only in self–giving solidarity with Christ and thereby with others.

When personhood is measured in this kenotic manner, Alyosha can be seen as a credible character, rather than the ghostly and gossamer creature he is often accused of being. Unlike Ivan, Alyosha does not clip newspaper accounts of suffering children and then offer anti–theological arguments about them; instead, he actually seeks out the insulted and injured, identifying himself with them. He joins faith with practice, thinking with doing, thus answering the problem of evil with deeds rather than reasons — with his whole personhood, not with his mind alone.

A True Icon Of Christ
Through his patient and long–suffering friendships with children, Alyosha helps redeem the pathetic Ilyusha Snegirov, even as he also helps to set the nihilistic Kolya Krassotkin on the path to new life. Alyosha pulls these boys out of their misery only at great cost to himself. Dostoevsky makes clear in the novel’s final scene, when the youths gather to cheer Alyosha as if he were their savior, that he is a true icon of Christ, a man through whom the invisible light of eternity brightly shines. Yet Alyosha deflects all praise away from himself and toward Christ. As the only man who has suffered absolutely everything, says Alyosha, Christ alone has the right to forgive absolutely everything — even the tormentors of children. Yet Alyosha’s mere mention of the “only sinless One” so enrages Ivan that he comes forth with his “Legend of the Grand Inquisitor.”

One Cannot Scorn The Love Of God And Still Love Human Beings: TheLegend of the Grand Inquisitor
Ivan’s parable appears to be an assault on the character of Jesus, when its real target is humanity itself. Though he professes to love “some men,” Ivan can no more give himself to other persons than he can grant the existence of God. For Dostoevsky, the one follows from the other: one cannot scorn the love of God and still love human beings. Ivan ends as a misanthrope, I maintain, because he has a modern secular conception of freedom that is incapable of fulfillment except by monstrous supermen.

The plot of Ivan’s legend is familiar enough, even if its meaning remains quite obscure. The risen Christ returns to earth in fifteenth–century Seville, where he immediately begins to perform miracles. The people hail him as their liberator from the awful autos da fé that the Spanish Inquisition is carrying out. Jesus is quickly arrested by the church authorities and imprisoned in a dimly lit dungeon. There the ninety–year–old Cardinal Grand Inquisitor relentlessly grills the silent Christ.

This ancient church–ogre accuses Jesus of having required men to live by the strength of their strong wills, cruelly ignoring the fact that they are impotent creatures who can live only for the sake of a swinish happiness. The Inquisitor thus upbraids Christ for having rejected the Tempter’s wilderness offerings of bread and power and fame. These, he says, are the satisfying substitutes that human beings crave. They do not want the awful autonomy that Christ allegedly commanded:

Instead of taking over men’s freedom, you increased it still more for them! Did you forget that peace and even death are dearer to man than free choice in the knowledge of good and evil? There is nothing more seductive for man than the freedom of his conscience, but there is nothing more tormenting either. And so, instead of a firm foundation for appeasing human conscience once and for all, you chose everything that was unusual, enigmatic, and indefinite, you chose everything that was beyond men’s strength, and thereby acted as if you did not love them at all. . . . You desired the free love of man, that he should follow you freely, seduced and captivated by you. Instead of the firm and ancient law, man had henceforth to decide for himself, with a free heart, what is good and what is evil, having only your image before him as a guide.

Misunderstanding The Grand Inquisitor’s Conception Of Freedom
It is astonishing that so many readers have taken the Grand Inquisitor’s conception of freedom as if it were Dostoevsky’s own — and also as if it were true. Camus regarded it as an unprecedented statement of the human cry for liberty against all religious restraints. Camus can make such a claim only because, together with Ivan, he embraces the thoroughly secular conception of freedom that has largely prevailed in the modern West, from John Stuart Mill to John Dewey and John Rawls. Ivan’s Inquisitor belongs to their lineage. Liberty, he declares, entails a brave and lonely autonomy, as each individual determines for himself the difference between good and evil. Jesus serves not as the savior who redeems corporate humanity from sin, therefore, but as a moral example to guide solitary and heroic individuals — having himself trod the same lonely path of self–determination.

Michael Sandel has shown what is problematic about this notion of freedom as consisting entirely of unfettered choices. Such choices are prompted by nothing other than the individual subject and his private conscience acting either on persuasive evidence or the arbitrary assertion of will. Just as this modern secular self is not determined by any larger aims or attachments that it has not chosen for itself, neither does it have obligations to any larger communities, except those it autonomously chooses to join. The one moral norm, it follows, is the injunction to respect the dignity of others by not denying them the freedom to exercise their own moral autonomy. Such an understanding of human liberty, argues Sandel, opposes

[A]ny view that regards us as obligated to fulfill ends that we have not chosen — ends given by nature or God, for example, or by our identities as members of families, peoples, cultures, or traditions. Encumbered identities such as these are at odds with the liberal conception of [persons] as free and independent selves, unbound by prior moral ties, capable of choosing our ends for ourselves. This is the conception that finds expression in the ideal of the state as a neutral framework . . . a framework of rights that refuses to choose among competing values and ends. For the liberal self, what matters above all, what is most essential to our personhood, is not the ends we choose but our capacity to choose them.

Liberty As Absolute Autonomy
Dostoevsky repeatedly attacked this modern secular notion of freedom and personhood, dismissing it scornfully as “socialism.” Astounded by the Inquisitor’s similar idea of liberty as absolute autonomy, Alyosha cries out to Ivan: “And who will believe you about freedom? . . . Is that the way to understand it? It’s a far cry from the Orthodox idea.”

It’s also a far cry from the Jewish and Catholic and classical Protestant ideas of freedom. In all four traditions, we are not made into free persons by becoming autonomous selves who have been immunized from all obligations that we have not independently chosen. Our freedom resides rather in becoming communal selves who freely embrace our moral, religious, and political obligations. These responsibilities come to us less by our own choosing than through a thickly webbed network of shared friendships and familial ties, through political practices and religious promises. In a very real sense, such “encumbrances” choose us before we choose them. There is no mythical free and autonomous self that exists apart from these ties. There are only gladly or else miserably bound persons — namely, persons who find their duties and encumbrances to be either gracious or onerous.

Freedom Is Communal Because It Is Religious
Alyosha’s idea of freedom is communal because it is first of all religious. Athanasius of Alexandria articulated it most clearly in the fourth century: “God became man so that man may become God.” The central Orthodox doctrine is called theosis or theopoesis — the divinizing or deifying of humanity. The Eastern Church does not call for believers to imitate Jesus through the exercise of moral choice. It summons them rather to participate in the life of Christ through the transformative power of the liturgy and sacraments of the Church.

To become persons in the true sense is to become what the New Testament calls “partakers of the divine nature” (2 Peter 1:4). The modern secular notion of freedom articulated by the Grand Inquisitor is the very definition of slavery. As Orthodox theologian Vladimir Lossky observes, the Eastern Church regards choice as the mark not of freedom but of fallenness, as a debasement of true liberty, as a loss of the divine likeness: “Our nature being overclouded with sin no longer knows its true good . . . and so the human person is always faced with the necessity of choice; it goes forward gropingly.”

To deliberate autonomously in the face of alternatives, it follows, is not liberty but servitude. True freedom, says Lossky, is revealed in the Christ who freely renounces his own will in order to accomplish the will of his Father. Alyosha is free in precisely this way. Jesus has not abandoned him to his lonely conscience in order to let him solitarily determine good and evil for himself. The self–emptying Christ has freed Alyosha to empty his own ego, to live and act in joyful obedience to God, and thus to be bound in unbreakable solidarity with his father and brothers, with his friends and enemies, and (not least of all) with the miserable children of his neighborhood.

Freedom As Unencumbered Self–Determining Choice
Given the Grand Inquisitor’s anti–Orthodox conception of freedom as unencumbered self–determining choice, it is not surprising that he should have contempt for the average run of men. He despises their dependence, their animal desire for security and comfort. The Inquisitor thus informs Jesus that the Catholic Church has been forced to correct his impossible summons to autonomy. Rome understands, says the Inquisitor, what Christ did not — that men must first be fed before they can be made virtuous. “Make us your slaves,” the Inquisitor’s masses cry out, “but feed us.”

Thus has the cynical church of the Grand Inquisitor replaced Christ’s purported call for unfettered autonomy with its own sheepish substitutes: “miracle, mystery, and authority.” Yet even these sorry placebos will not finally suffice, the Inquisitor insists, for the modern world will confront men with such scientific wonders and terrors that the vast human horde will not be content even with comfort and security. They will finally demand the antheap of personal oblivion, in order that they might be relieved of their freedom. They want only to live in childish self–indulgence:

Freedom, free reason, and science will lead them into such a maze, and confront them with such . . . insoluble mysteries, that some of them, unruly and ferocious, will exterminate themselves; others, unruly but feeble, will exterminate each other; and the remaining third, feeble and wretched, will crawl to our feet and cry out to us: “Yes, you were right, you alone possess his mystery, and we are coming back to you — save us from ourselves.” . . . Yes, we will make them work, but in the hours free from labor we will arrange their lives like a children’s game, with children’s songs, choruses, and innocent dancing.

Inverting The Gospel
Inverting the gospel entirely, the Grand Inquisitor declares that only the Master Managers like himself will suffer. Yet these new secular christs of the omnicompetent state will bear their torment heroically. Knowing their totalitarian paternalism to be a gargantuan lie, they nonetheless retain the courage to feed it to the gullible millions: “For only we, we who keep the mystery, only we shall be unhappy. There will be thousands of millions of happy babes, and a hundred thousand sufferers who have taken upon themselves the curse of the knowledge of good and evil. Peacefully [these multiplied millions] will die; peacefully will they expire in [Christ’s] name, and beyond the grave they will find only death. But we will keep the secret, and for their own happiness we will entice them with a heavenly and eternal reward.”

The Final Prophecy Of The Grand Inquisitor
This final prophecy of the Grand Inquisitor is perhaps the most frightening augury in the entirety of Dostoevsky’s work. With amazing prescience, he foresees the rise of the totalitarian state that has dominated much of late–modern life, killing more people by violent means than in all of the previous ages combined. This is the era of blood, and ours is the culture of death. That Dostoevsky mistakenly linked our calamity with the Catholic Church, and that he did not foresee its first triumph in his own beloved Russia, hardly invalidates his vision.

On the contrary, Dostoevsky was right to prophesy that, if we begin (as Ivan does) with absolute anti–communal freedom, we will end (again as Ivan does) with absolute anti–communal slavery, whether in its individualist or its totalitarian form. Were Dostoevsky living at this hour, he might well ask whether the American reduction of nearly every aspect of human existence, including religion itself, to either entertainment or commodification constitutes a yet worse kind of herd–existence than the one Ivan describes — a subtler and therefore deadlier attempt to relieve humanity of its suffering and sin, and thus of its real character and interest.

Given Ivan’s horrifying vision of this grim and Christless future, it is not surprising that Alyosha regards Ivan’s “poem” as praising Jesus rather than reviling him. Yet Alyosha does not commend the Christ of the parable because he commands autonomous self–determination as the answer to a totalizing politics of oppression. Rather, the Jesus of Ivan’s legend is to be praised because his silence indicates his patient confidence that evil will eventually undo itself, and that Ivan is to be embraced rather than condemned in his concern for the suffering of innocents.

Ivan had in fact ended his parable by having the silent Savior gently kiss the Inquisitor on “his bloodless, ninety–year–old lips.” Alyosha instantly recognizes that Ivan’s imagination was groping for the profoundest of all truths — that nothing other than God’s self–emptying love can answer bitter unbelief. To bring home the point, Alyosha repeats Christ’s act: he kisses the tormented Ivan. It’s another Russian iconic gesture of humility and submission, and it calls for a recompensing kiss of humble recognition and identification. Ivan will not grant it, for then he, too, would be called to embrace the same kenotic suffering and joy that imbue Alyosha’s entire life. Instead, Ivan dismisses Alyosha’s act as mere plagiarism. Ivan must rid himself of this Christ–like gesture that is the real answer to human agony. It is appropriate, therefore, that the Inquisitor’s final command to the truth–gesturing Christ who kissed him is not Maranatha , but “Go and do not come again . . . do not come at all . . . never, never!”

If God Is Dead, Everything Is Permitted
Alyosha, as Christ’s earthly embodiment, will not depart. Instead, he confronts Ivan with the moral and religious consequence of his atheism. If God is dead, Alyosha famously declares, “everything is permitted.” We must not misread Alyosha here. He does not deny that men can be moral without believing in God. He insists, instead, that such morality has no ultimate basis, that freedom understood as self–construction hovers over an abyss of nihilism, and thus that all godless peoples and cultures await their inexorable plunge into the barbaric void. The first epistle of John defines sin precisely as lawlessness. Ellis Sandoz observes that John of Damascus, the eighth–century Greek theologian, linked this definition of sin to the larger claim that barbarism is the primal heresy: “Every man as independent and a law unto himself after the dictates of his own will.”

Dostoevsky regards individualist autonomy not only as barbaric but also as satanic. Perhaps the chief of Ivan’s demonic deceptions is the widespread acceptance of the Inquisitor’s argument that “miracle, mystery, and authority” are pathetic necessities for weak–willed men. Just as Ivan misreads freedom to mean unencumbered self–determination, so does the Inquisitor pervert the meaning of miracle, mystery, and authority. Nowhere in the novel does God perform miracles by jumping in and out of His creation like a divine factotum who accedes to human petition if it is sufficiently pious. It is exactly such a sentimental and superstitious understanding of miracles — namely, as God’s arbitrary violation of the natural order to heed clamant human request — that Alyosha is required to surrender. Hoping that Zosima’s corpse would be wondrously preserved, giving off the sweet odor of sanctity, Alyosha is horrified when it putrefies prematurely. The saint’s rapidly rotting body demonstrates to Alyosha that God is not a sacred Santa Claus who brings him whatever he wants. In the “Cana in Galilee” chapter, Alyosha learns that miracles do not precede and thus produce faith; rather, they follow faith as the by–product of the transformed life. That Alyosha can kiss the earth and bless the creation despite its rampant suffering, that he can live as a monk in a sex–sodden world, that he can increase men’s joy amidst human misery as Christ increased it by turning water into wedding wine — this, he learns, is the true miracle: the divine possibility that overcomes human impossibility.

Like a brittle Enlightenment philosophe, perhaps a Diderot or a Comte, the Inquisitor also slanders mystery. He reduces it to a cynical mystification, to a new secular priestcraft, a political anesthetizing of the masses with the morphine of heaven. “For only we, we . . . keep the mystery,” he boasts. For him, mystery can be hoarded as a weapon in his arsenal of deceit, as a spiritual poison gas meant to blind true vision and stifle true thought. For Alyosha and all other believers, by contrast, the mysterion enlivens such vision and thought. It’s a word that can also be translated sacrament. The mystery of God is thus not a riddle or a conundrum, not a brain–straining puzzle; it is the one reality that prompts an endless delectation of mind no less than heart and soul. “In the proper religious sense of the term,” writes Orthodox bishop Kallistos Ware, “‘mystery’ signifies not only hiddenness but disclosure. . . . A mystery is . . . something revealed for our understanding, but which we never understand exhaustively because it leads into the depth or the darkness of God.”

Perversely, if also consistently, Ivan has the Inquisitor voice a skewed understanding of authority. He regards it as the tyrannical power of the state or the church to suppress individual autonomy. For him, authority can have only the negative meaning of raw coercive force. For Alyosha, again in notable contrast to the Inquisitor, true authority (both human and divine) invites free submission of the will for the sake of the good — submission to the rightly constituted state, to his elder Zosima, to the incarnate Christ, to the merciful God. Free subjection of the will begins in penitence, as when Zosima confesses that all men are sinners and that he is the worst. It ends in the acceptance, even the embrace, of suffering.

Perhaps the novel’s chief irony is that Ivan has turned rightful religious concern for injured innocents into wrongful personal justification of his own hatred and scorn. Claiming to care about the world’s innocent sufferers, Ivan cannot care for the creature who is his own closest kin, his father. In a nightmare interview with the Devil, Ivan is made to recognize his own moral culpability for his father’s death. He had poisoned Smerdyakov’s mind with the demonic gospel that God is dead and that all things are permitted. Acting out what Ivan had intellectually advocated, Smerdyakov has killed old Fyodor in a dreadful demonstration that, in a godless world, absolutely nothing is forbidden. Since Satan is the primal deceiver, it is no wonder that Ivan has been made into his agent. Dostoevsky maintains that demonic perversions of mind are no mere intellectual failings: they issue in demonic perversions of will. Philosophical deicide results in existential parricide. The mental killing of God breaks the deepest of human bonds. It is thus fitting that Ivan the perverted intellectual should end in madness.

Yet Ivan’s final insanity is not to be explained as psychosis alone. In the Orthodox tradition, to deny the presence and reality of God is to be subject to a psychopathic condition. Not sharing the Western doctrine of original sin, the Orthodox hold that every person retains an efficacious awareness of God, even after the Fall. “Just because it is light,” writes Vladimir Lossky, “grace, the source of revelation, cannot remain within us unperceived. We are incapable of not being aware of God, if our nature is in proper spiritual health. Insensibility [to God] in the inner life is an abnormal condition.” Lossky adds, far more darkly, that total unawareness of God “would be nothing other than hell, the final destruction of the person.” It follows that Zosima is not a golden–hearted humanist when he defines hell as “the suffering of being unable to love.” He is describing Ivan’s spiritual condition exactly. Ivan suffers the hellish laceration of the soul that occurs when freedom is exercised negatively — not to engender life but to bring death. “Death for a person,” declares Orthodox theologian John Zizioulas, “means ceasing to love and to be loved, ceasing to be unique and unrepeatable, whereas life for the person means the survival of the uniqueness of its hypostasis [personification], which is affirmed and maintained by love.”

To possess true freedom and personhood through love is, in Dostoevsky’s view, to suffer rightly. It is to accept responsibility, not only for one’s own sin, but also for the sins of others. All theodicies fail if they do not recognize that only the embrace of innocent suffering can answer the infliction of innocent suffering.

One who is willing to suffer for Christ’s sake must be willing, moreover, to suffer fools. Father Zosima exhibits such foolish suffering when, early in the novel, he makes a low bow of humility before the cruel buffoon who is old Fyodor Karamazov. It is an act utterly unlike the abstentions practiced by Nietzsche’s Übermensch. The Overman is akin to a lion who has claws but refrains from using them. He doesn’t show mercy so much as he seeks to humiliate the weaklings of the world with his contemptuous self–restraint. Though having the rightful authority to condemn the despicable old lecher, Zosima gestures forth his solidarity with Fyodor in bowing down before him.

Unlike the Overman, Zosima identifies himself with the wretched creature. He knows that old Fyodor has become a buffoon, in large part, because everyone regards him as a fool. In secret pride and contempt for others, he fulfills their scornful judgment. Zosima refuses such judgment. He humbles himself before the despicable Fyodor, discerning in him the divine image and likeness: a person meant for agapeistic community rather than buffoonish autonomy.

For Dostoevsky, the gospel of suffering in communal love is the only lasting answer to the perennial problem of evil and thus to the perennial question of human freedom. It is a gospel peculiar neither to East nor West because it is centered in the common Christian ground of the Incarnation, Cross, and Resurrection.

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Reading Selections from “Dostoevsky and the Mystery of Russia” by David Allen White

October 8, 2010

Fyodor Dostoevsky

This was an article in “Latin Mass” magazine back in 2001. I really enjoyed it and, as is my habit, have hacked it up into reading selections and bolded the good parts. I particularly liked the section dealing with Doestoevsky and  the Roman Catholic Church.  Dr. David Allen White has been for 21 years a professor of World Literature at the Naval Academy in Annapolis, MD.

The Novel
The novel is the baby of the major literary forms. The lyric poem stretches back to the Homeric Hymns and the Psalms, the epic to Homer; drama prizes were being distributed in Athens in the fifth century B.C. and the short story is as old as the myth, the fables of Aesop and the parables of Our Lord Jesus Christ, not surprisingly a master of the short narrative given His larger creation. The novel, however, rises out of a potent combination of the printing press, the dawn of the Industrial Revolution, the rise of the middle class and an increase in leisure time. The new reader with some time on his hands and some pocket money quite reasonably wanted to read about what he knew best  himself. The novel thus is born in realism and becomes the place where the writer captures or recreates the details of recognizable worlds.

Cervantes
The first acclaimed and successful popular novel, and perhaps still the greatest, is Cervantes’ Don Quixote (1605). The dusty roads, the inns, the mountains, the cheese and the bread and the rusty armor, all are rooted in a reality new to literature.

Cervantes’ great novel established another significant defining element of the novel at its inception. The early novels were comic in nature. Examining a real world, they of necessity were social. Many of the early novels depicted the usual social dance of love and marriage, work and play, gain and loss. Even the hugely popular Robinson Crusoe (1720) looked at the attempt to build a little world of one’s own on a desert island. Comedy’s central concern is the tension between individuals and the society in which they attempt to live and such tensions rooted the novel in a recognizable, but artistically shaped, real social order.

The Growth of Tragedy
Not until the eighteenth century in France did the novel take a turn down more shadowy lanes. Perhaps because the French knew in their deepest being the dark possibilities of social disruption, their novelists turned the comic dance of the novel into a more solemn walk. Novels such as Manon Lescaut (1731) and Les Liaisons Dangereuses (1782) begin to direct the movement of the novel down darker and more haunted paths.

The nineteenth century saw the haunted darkness expand in the gothic novel and the novel of unfulfilled romance. The novel seemed capable of exploring all possibilities of human experience and new perspectives opened up, most importantly, the perspective of the tragic.

Tragedy is the “rara avis” among literary forms. The grandest and most powerful of visions, tragedy is the most difficult to capture. Greece in the fifth century B.C., England at the turn of the seventeenth century, France in the latter part of the seventeenth century all produced tragedy, but the nineteenth century saw tragedy move into new forms, the opera or music drama and the novel. America produced one great tragic novel, Melville’s Moby Dick (1851). When the last golden arch falls into the dust and the last video or computer screen goes blank, America will be remembered for two astonishing accomplishments the placing of a man on the moon, the result of our great science and engineering skills and our great wealth, and a novel about a mad sea captain and a white whale, the product of our troubled spiritual foundations.

Count Leo Tolstoy and Fyodor Dostoevsky
Tragedy in the novel reached its apotheosis in the nineteenth century in Russia in the works of those two giants of the long fiction form, Count Leo Tolstoy and Fyodor Dostoevsky. Tolstoy certainly possessed great genius and his accomplishments are remarkable. His influence cannot necessarily be called beneficial, however. His great epic/tragic novel War And Peace serves up a vision of history firmly in line with contemporary philosophical thought. Tolstoy’s view of history denies the “great man” theory of history and, operating in line with Hegelian principles, presents history as an inevitable flow of events. The “great man” in the novel, Napoleon, by trying to impose his own will on events is crushed by the forces of inevitable movement, while the wise old Russian general, Kutuzov, observes the pattern of the sweep of change and accommodates himself to it, thus securing victory. The greatness of Tolstoy’s vision lies not in his illustration of recent theories but in his creation of the world of Russia in the Napoleonic wars, the soirees, the battles, the landscape, the first love of Natasha, the courage of Andrei, the questions of Pierre.

Tolstoy’s greatest tragic vision lies in Anna Karenina, a profound moral tragedy. This masterwork also provides insight into Tolstoy’s Christian vision. He believed himself a Christian and spoke the language of Christianity, but with a restricted vocabulary. Tolstoy’s Christianity is grounded in forgiveness, charity, virtue, brotherhood and peace. It is a vision stripped of the supernatural. This is the reason that Tolstoy became so important to the peace movements of the mid-twentieth century. His views strongly influenced men such as Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. The crux of this vision of action attaches man only to earth; no transcendent spirituality or drama of eternal salvation informs the work.

Dostoevsky’s Early Years
Dostoevsky’s works bubble over with life-and-death struggles of suffering and loss, salvation and damnation. Born in 1821, he did not come as did most other major Russian writers of the century from the landed gentry. His father, an authoritarian figure, worked as a doctor in a small town. His mother, a devout woman, had an enormous influence on her children. In his later days he stated, “I came from a pious Russian family. In our family we knew the Gospel almost from the cradle.” His mother read him the Gospels as well as the lives of the saints. The tales permeated his imagination from his earliest years.

A single episode from his childhood provided another defining moment in his faith. The family would leave the small town where his father worked to vacation in the countryside. On one such vacation, the young Dostoevsky was walking in the woods when he heard voices shouting that a wolf was loose in the area. The young boy, terrified, began trying to retrace his steps but found himself lost in the woods. He saw a peasant plowing a field in the distance and ran toward him. The man smiled and comforted the boy, pointed him toward home and reassured him by saying his eye would remain on the youngster all the way to the boy’s home. The peasant then said, “Now, Christ be with you, now, go!” and he made the sign of the cross over the child, afterward crossing himself. Dostoevsky remembered that he returned home with a feeling of complete security.

He went to study at a military-engineering school, even though from his earliest days he hoped to be a writer. His father insisted that he receive a science-based education and the young man complied with his father’s wishes. He proved to be an adequate student in a curriculum that along with the science and engineering studies included religion, history, architecture, Russian language and literature, French language and literature, German language and literature, portrait drawing and art history.

He immersed himself in the popular ideas of the day and read heavily in the great romantic writers  Schiller, Hugo, Balzac, his first publication being a translation of Balzac’s Eugenie Grandet. He absorbed a theory of German philosopher and romantic aesthetician Friedrich Schelling who taught him that art is a means of “metaphysical cognition, the means by which the highest transcendent truths are revealed to mankind.” He imagined himself as an artist with a high calling and saw his art as possessing a high mission for the good of the Russian people.

The Petrashevski Group
He served his time in the military and then decided to pursue his life’s ambition to become a writer. His first novel Poor Folk (1846) received very positive reviews as it powerfully stirred up compassion for the disadvantaged, being in line with the social concerns of the day. By 1848 he had begun to associate himself with the Petrashevski group in St. Petersburg, young intellectuals devoted to the study and implementation of the ideas of the French utopian socialists. The socialist movement in St. Petersburg consisted of two separate wings: those who based their ideas on Christian principles of assisting the poor and downtrodden, and the atheist faction who abandoned any mention of Christianity, claiming its adherents had done nothing over the centuries to improve social conditions. Dostoevsky felt himself torn between the two groups, longing to be intellectually radical but possessed of a heart shaped by the Gospel reading and saints’ lives from his childhood.

In 1849 the group was arrested and charged with having read banned material and setting up a printing press to distribute controversial and forbidden material. Dostoevsky was condemned to death with the others. The morning of the execution, wearing the hoods on their heads and hearing the guns cocked, they learned that their sentences had been commuted to exile and imprisonment in Siberia.

The arrival at the prison in Siberia returned his thoughts to his childhood. Outside the walls, women who had followed their husbands into exile waited and watched. They pleaded with the officers to free the new prisoners and when their requests were refused, the women handed copies of the New Testament to the prisoners and, making the sign of the cross in the direction of the inmates, called out blessings on them.

Dostoevsky And The New Testament
Dostoevsky absorbed the New Testament in prison. He also learned an important life lesson. Earlier, in a letter to his brother Mikhail, he had written, “Man is an enigma. This enigma must be solved. And if you spend all your life at it, don’t say you have wasted your time; I occupy myself with this enigma because I wish to be a man.” Part of the enigma clarified for him during his prison years. He discovered that not all the underprivileged were high-minded or good. Many were degenerate scum. He rejected the “noble peasant” idea found in most of Tolstoy’s writing and realized men must be judged one by one, on their individual merits. Social class could not be used as a key to defining character.

He also learned from experience something about the savage nature of human beings. Through observation of his fellow prisoners he saw that we are disordered creatures, subject to outbursts of irrational passions and destructive action. The more the individual personality was confined and controlled, the more subject it became to these frenetic explosions of willfulness. Part of this turbulence could be defined as a desire of the individual will to express its own freedom. Human freedom had a compulsive need to demonstrate its own existence. Dostoevsky’s great biographer Joseph Frank puts the idea this way, “To fulfill this drive, men will sacrifice all other goods and values; and if they are unable to satisfy it in any way, the results can be disastrous.”

His “Disastrous” Freedom
Dostoevsky himself proved this “disastrous” freedom by making a bad marriage in 1858 and giving in to his temptation for gambling, a vice that haunted him for his entire life but did produce his brilliant dissection of the addiction, The Gambler. He also came to be afflicted with epilepsy. He distanced himself from his old friends as his political views became more and more conservative. He saw clearly that man does not above all need material well being in this world, but rather spiritual redemption. What Christ taught mankind, he now knew, was that salvation can come only through suffering. Man must be ready to share the sufferings of Christ in order to find salvation. In a world increasingly absorbed with progress and utopias and comfort, Dostoevsky shouts, “No! Christ lives and what He teaches us is that we must suffer.”

Such belief could be neither easy nor constant in the modern world. “I will tell you that I am a child of the century, a child of disbelief and doubt. I will remain so until the grave. How much terrible torture this thirst for faith has cost me and costs me even now which is all the stronger in my soul the more arguments I can find against it. And yet God sends me sometimes instants when I am completely calm. At those instants I love and feel loved by others and it is at those instants that I have shaped for myself a Credo where everything is clear and sacred to me. This credo is very simple. Here it is: To believe that nothing is more beautiful, profound, sympathetic, reasonable, manly, and perfect than Christ. And I tell myself with a jealous love that not only is there nothing more but there can be nothing more. Even more, if someone proved to me that Christ is outside the truth and that in reality the truth were outside of Christ, then I should prefer to remain with Christ rather than with the truth.”

His View Of Modern Man
Joseph Frank summarizes Dostoevsky’s view of modern man in this way, “Not to believe in Christ and immortality is to be condemned to live in a senseless universe and the characters in his great novels who reach this level of self-awareness inevitably destroy themselves because by refusing to endure the torment of living without hope they have become monsters in their misery.” This great struggle between belief and disbelief informs all the great novels from Notes From Underground through The Brothers Karamazov. After nursing his wife through her fatal illness and then losing his beloved brother Mikhail, Dostoevsky was granted the grace of a devoted second wife, Anna Grigoryevna Snitkina. Hired to be his secretary, she became his spiritual consolation. He dictated to her the vast fictional canvases on which an array of recognizable human souls struggle with grand passions and high ideas. Dmitri Karamazov says God and the devil are fighting and the battlefield is the heart of man. The novels of Dostoevsky come closer to the core of the modern dilemma than any other body of modern literature and his knowledge of human beings is the keenest in art since Shakespeare.

Dostoevsky As Prophet
But some great artists may also be graced by God with another gift. Some artists have oracular flashes, offering up profound prophetic pronouncements. Such instances stretch from the vision of Vergil in his Fourth Eclogue (37 B.C.) which suggests the coming of Our Lord as a child who will bring a reign of peace to a troubled world to the chilling example of the Japanese man in Strindberg’s play The Great Highway (1909) who announces that he is named for his native town Hiroshima just before he steps into a furnace and is incinerated. No artist ever set down more accurate prophetic pronouncements than Dostoevsky.

In his great novel about the revolutionary movement, Demons (1872), Dostoevsky accurately predicted not only the coming of socialism to Holy Mother Russia, as he termed his country, but also the devastating consequences. At more than one point in the novel, he has characters pronounce the cold fact that the revolution will triumph “by radically lopping off a hundred million heads.” Shigalyov, the character presenting the plan, admits a problem, for “[s]tarting from unlimited freedom, I conclude with unlimited despotism.”

Dostoevsky seemed to witness the abyss into which his country would descend in the twentieth century. He combines his vision of the nightmare looming over Russia with the incident of the Gadarene swine from the Gospel of Luke, a passage he uses as one of the epigraphs for the novel. He again quotes the passage from Luke when a character in the novel, Sofya Matveevna Ulitin, a woman who travels from town to town passing out Gospels, reads the words at the request of the dying liberal professor, Stepan Trofimovich Verkhovensky, the man whose soft socialist teaching has unleashed the “demons” in the next generation. After hearing the passage, the dying professor says:

Terribly many thoughts occur to me now: you see, it’s exactly like our Russia. These demons who come out of a sick man and enter into the swine  it’s all the sores, all the miasmas, all the uncleanness, all the big and little demons accumulated in our great and sick man, in our Russia, for centuries, for centuries! Oui, cette Russie que j’aimais toujours. But a great will and a great thought will descend to her from on high, as upon that insane demoniac, and out will come all these demons, all the uncleanness, all the abomination that is festering on the surface…and they will beg of themselves to enter into swine. And perhaps they already have! It is us, us and them, and Petrusha…et les autres avec lui, and I, perhaps, first, at the head, and we will rush, insane and raging, from the cliff down into the sea, and all be drowned, and good riddance to us, because that’s the most we’re fit for.

Russia is presented as a possessed madman, out of whom demons will rush, infect others and push multitudes of those so “possessed” into destruction. The connection with Our Lady’s message to the shepherd children at Fatima on the eve of the Russian revolution is unmistakable: “Russia will spread her errors throughout the world.”

Dostoevsky and the Catholic Church
Dostoevsky makes many Catholic readers uncomfortable. In many of his novels he rails against the Catholic Church. His knowledge of the Catholic Church, however, came largely from the French socialists who had such a profound influence on him in his youth. Dostoevsky viewed the Catholic Church as an institution that had abandoned its spiritual beliefs in a quest to give mankind earthly happiness. He has the Catholic Grand Inquisitor state to Christ in The Brothers Karamazov, “You promised them heavenly bread, but, I repeat again, can it compare with earthly bread in the eyes of the weak, eternally depraved, and eternally ignoble human race?”10

Dostoevsky related his sense of how the Catholic social preoccupation worked. “The Catholic priest searches out some miserable worker’s family and gains their confidence. He feeds them all, gives them clothes, provides heating, looks after the sick, buys medicine, becomes the friend of the family and converts them to Catholicism.”11 This sense of the socially obsessed Catholic Church which places earthly comfort before redemptive suffering and peace on earth before peace of soul must make any post-Vatican II Catholic uncomfortable in its precision. The only error when applied to the Novus Ordo Church is that the priest would no longer attempt to convert the family. The sentimental socialism of the nineteenth-century French intellectuals whom Dostoevsky came to despise found a happy home in the post-conciliar Church.

With his insistence on suffering and salvation, the supernatural and sacrifice, Dostoevsky echoes many of the teachings of the Catholic Church. With his prophetic vision of a possessed Russia unleashing her demons into the world, he echoes the prophecies of Fatima, and not only those prophecies that already come to fruition. The above quoted words from the deathbed of Stepan Trofimovich Verkhovensky in Demons conclude with the following remarks:

But the sick man will be healed and “sit at the feet of Jesus”…and everyone will look in amazement…. Dear, vous comprenez apres, but it excites me very much now…. Vous comprenez apres…. Nous comprendrons ensemble.

Russia will be healed; Russia will sit at the feet of Our Savior and the whole world will be amazed. “In the end my Immaculate Heart will triumph, Russia will be converted and a period of peace will be granted to mankind.” Heaven granted this man, a modernist, a tormented doubter, a gambler and epileptic, a foe of socialistic Catholicism, a novelist, a glimpse of the Fatima prophecies before heaven chose to reveal them to the world, a fact that presents us with mysteries as to the nature of art and the will of God. In his final novel, The Brothers Karamazov , Dostoevsky has the wise elder Father Zossima on the brink of the grave say, “This star [the image of Christ] will shine forth from the East.” The same promise has been given us by Our Lady and we who suffer here in the maelstrom of the modern atheistic, materialistic world still await that glorious moment.

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Reading Doestoevsky’s The Idiot On A Metaphysical-Religious Level

August 10, 2010

 

Holbein's "Deposition of Christ"

Dostoevsky wrote The Idiot in 1867–1869, and today it is considered one of his greatest works, along with Notes from Underground (1864), Crime and Punishment (1866), The Possessed (1872), and The Brothers Karamazov (1880). In The Idiot Dostoevsky hoped to portray the ideal of a “positively beautiful individual,” a man who wishes to sacrifice himself for others. Prince Myshkin is a sort of Russian Christ who represents the values Dostoevsky deemed the highest and most noble: altruism, meekness, kindness, and brotherly love.

As Dostoevsky saw sexual passion as inherently selfish, it is not surprising that Prince Myshkin is a completely asexual character. Though he develops romantic feelings toward Aglaya, he subordinates them to a higher ideal of pity and compassion that he expresses in his relationship with Nastassya Filippovna. Facing the “dark world” of corruption and moral decay that he meets in society, he inevitably perishes.

On the metaphysical-religious level Prince Myshkin and Ippolit Terentyev are the main antagonists. Although Ippolit has no objective reason to hate Myshkin, he senses in him an ideological adversary: “I hate you all, every one of you ! — it’s you, Jesuitical, treacly soul, idiot, philanthropic millionaire; I hate you more than every one and everything in the world! I understood and hated you long ago, when first I heard of you: I hated you with all the hatred of my soul” (335/249). There is extrinsic evidence that Dostoevsky himself saw things in this way. “Ippolit is the main axis of the whole novel,” we read in his notebook (277). Kolya speaks of Ippolit’s “gigantic idea” without defining it. But the fact that Ippolit’s idea is apparently developed further and commented on by Kirillov in The Possessed allows us to identify the “gigantic idea” as the rejection of an absurd life. It is up to Myshkin to refute this idea.

In effect, Ippolit reverses what is known as the argument for the existence of God “from design”: the actual condition of the world is in his experience such that it makes faith in God impossible. The conflict between Myshkin’s faith and Ippolit’s revolt parallels the antinomy [vocab: a contradiction between two statements that seem equally reasonable] of Christ absolute spiritual significance and the particular facts of history, Christ’s promise of immortality and physical death continuing as ever before.

The repeated introduction of the theme of execution and Ippolit’s condition as a man doomed to death before he has started to live leads up to the scene in front of Holbein’s “Deposition of Christ,” a picture that could cause a man to lose his faith, as Myshkin observes. Ippolit, referring to the same picture, utters the ultimate challenge to faith:

The question instinctively arises: if death is so awful and the laws of nature so mighty, how can they be overcome? How can they be overcome when even He did not conquer them, He who vanquished nature in His lifetime, who exclaimed. “Maiden, arise!” and the maiden arose — ”Lazarus, come forth!” and the dead man came forth? Looking at such a, picture, one conceives of nature in the shape of an immense, merciless, dumb beast, or more correctly, much more correctly, speaking, though it sounds strange, in the form of a. huge machine of the most modern construction which, dull and insensible, has aimlessly clutched, crushed and swallowed up a great priceless Being, a Being worth all nature and its laws, worth the whole earth, which was created perhaps solely for the sake of the advent of that Being. (451/339)

The helplessness of mortal man facing inexorable nature causes Ippolit to draw some practical and hypothetical conclusions. He realizes that he could commit the most heinous crime with guaranteed impunity because his case would assuredly not come to trial: he would die before under the solicitous care of the authorities, who would be anxious to keep him alive for his trial. This conceit presages Ivan Karamazov’s maxim: “If there is no immortality, everything is lawful.” On the practical side, too, Ippolit realizes that every conceivable activity or plan he might consider is made senseless by his impending death.

Furthermore, Ippolit reaches the same conclusion as Kirillov does, with a more elaborate argumentation: choosing the time of his own death by committing suicide is the only way in which he can assert his independence from the dumb power of nature. Like his successor in The Possessed, Ippolit is loath to admit that his suicide will be an act of despair more than an act of revolt. Vladimir Solovyov, in his third “Discourse on Dostoevsky” (1883), made the point that any man who becomes aware of universal evil, as Ippolit does, but is unable to see also universal good — that is, God — is inevitably driven to suicide. Ippolit in fact perceives nature not only as indifferent but also as malevolent, cruel, and mocking. At the same time, he is unaware of any beneficent saving principle.

Like Ivan Karamazov, Ippolit does not explicitly deny the existence of God but resolutely rejects His world: “So be it! I shall die looking straight at the source of power and life; I do not want this life! If I’d had the power not to be born, I would certainly not have accepted existence upon conditions that are such a mockery” (457/344). Yet at the same time Ippolit — again like his successors Kirillov and Ivan Karamazov — loves life and asks why he must be so alienated from it: “What is there for me in this beauty when, every minute, every second I am obliged, forced, to recognize that even the tiny fly, buzzing in the sunlight beside me, has its share in the banquet and the chorus, knows its place, loves it and is happy; and I alone am an outcast” (45 5/ 343). Myshkin, a few pages later, echoes Ippolit’s sentiment (466/352).26 The theme of man’s discord with God’s world is made explicitly anti-Christian as Ippolit sarcastically rejects the Prince’s “Christian arguments, at the happy thought that it is in fact better to die” (455/342).

Ippolit himself suggests an escape from this situation: perhaps man or, rather, man’s conscious mind does not understand the world correctly and human alienation from the cosmos is due to a misunderstanding of some divine truth. It is up to Prince Myshkin to resolve this misunderstanding, although Ippolit has unwittingly found the resolution himself when he quits staring at Meyer’s wall (the wall is a symbol of the cul-desac into which reason takes man even in Notes from Underground) and becomes involved in the fate of another human being, the unfortunate young doctor who gets another chance at life through his efforts.

Myshkin, who is specifically identified as a self-proclaimed Christian believer (423/3 17), presents the alternative to Ippolit’s self-conscious solipsism: personal experience of a reality that transcends individuality. Vladimir So1ovyos who was the first to translate Dostoevsky’s fiction into the language of academic philosophy, said, “Nature, separated from the Divine Spirit, appears to be a dead and senseless mechanism without cause or goal — and on the other hand, God, separated from man and nature, outside His positive revelation, is for us either an empty abstraction or an all consuming indifference.” Dostoevsky set himself the task to realize this “positive revelation” in a fictional character. Prince Myshkin’s role as a symbol of man’s salvation is enhanced by many significant details that make him a Christ figure.

Extrinsic evidence (Dostoevsky’s notebooks and correspondence) suggests that in Prince Myshkin Dostoevsky wanted to create an absolutely beautiful character, though fully aware of the insurmountable difficulty of this task. Mochulsky suggested that Dostoevsky’s artistic tact caused him to halt “before the immensity of this task” and made him reduce the Prince to something closer to ordinary human stature. Rut we know that Dostoevsky never relinquished his plan to write “a book about Jesus Christ.”

An entry to this effect is found in one of his last notebooks. In surveying world literature, Dostoevsky came to the conclusion that Christ was the only character in all literature to answer the definition of an “absolutely beautiful character” and that the closest approximation to it was Don Quixote, a wise madman and ridiculous to boot. Accordingly, Myshkin was made not only a Christ figure but a quixotic figure as well, with Don Quixote a notable and explicit presence in the text. The fact that Myshkin is explicitly presented as a Christ figure makes the observation, appealing in itself, that Myshkin’s story is a version of the Dionysian myth somewhat redundant. The notion that Jesus Christ was yet another hypostasis of “the. suffering god” was around before Nietzsche popularized it.

Prince Myshkin returns to his native Russia from the mountains of Switzerland and returns there at the end of the novel. An innocent idealist, he enters a cruel, greedy, mercenary, decadent, but functioning society that refuses to appreciate his virtues. Kjetsaa has suggested that the ‘Johannine principle of the word made flesh and entering the world was the idea. that guided Dostoevsky in creating this character. Prince Myshkin is of ancient noble lineage but impoverished and a recipient of charity until informed that he has come into a large inheritance, which he claims on his return to Russia.

His physical appearance reminds one of an icon qf a Russian saint, and he has some pronounced monkish traits tie is a virgin at twenty-six, painfully chaste, has a love for medieval manuscripts and calligraphy, even wears a cloak that resembles a monk’s cassock and cowl He has a saint’s humility, an unconditional willingness to forgive any., wrong, and ‘refuses to be provoked to anger. by violence.’ When Ganya slaps his face he responds by saying, “Oh, how ashamed you will be of what you’ve done” (142/99)

Rogozhin calls him “such a sheep,” and he is called an “idiot” by various parties throughout the novel, although he is during the whole action of the novel obviously quite sane. His “terrible power of humility” (an idea of Myshkin’s, echoed by Ippolit) is that of the kenotic3’ Christ of the Eastern church, Christ who has divested Himself of all His glory and may appear in the hypostasis of a humble beggar.

Myshkin has other Christ-like traits. He is pure, in mind and a virgin He is attracted to children (90/57—58) He pities Marie, a “fallen woman,” and meets with the hostility of self-righteous local authorities, the pastor and the schoolmaster. The many blatant biblical echoes in the tale of Marie (the parable of the prodigal son, the washing of feet, the Mary Magdalene theme) enhance Myshkin’s Christ-like image. He seems clairvoyant, though his penetrating understanding of people is psychologically motivated by the genuine interest he takes in people and by his willingness to see things from their viewpoint (for example, 23 8/172 and 469/354). He inwardly relives not only all the terrible suffering that is part of the human condition, but also the evil and murderous passions that cause it. He knows very well how Rogozhin feels. Aglaya at one point says that though he is sometimes “sick in his mind,” he has more wisdom than all other people and that of all the people she knows only her mother has some of that wisdom (471-72/356).

Before the tragic plot comes to a head, Myshkin for a moment considers to escape it all, perhaps to return to Switzerland, but then decides that this would be cowardly and that he will have to enter this world and meet the challenge that it offers him (344/256). This suggests that Myshkin, like Jesus Christ, has a mission

In spite of all his moral qualities, Prince Myshkin is an apparent failure. He returns to the mental asylum he came from without having significantly affected the lives of most people he met. They “go on living as before and have changed but little” (668/508). A notebook entry confirms this but adds, “But wherever he did touch someone, he left an indelible trace everywhere” (242). The Prince may be held responsible for Nastasya Filippovna’s tragic and Aglaya’s disappointing fates.

There are critics who understand the allegoric message of The Idiot to be a negative one. Murray Krieger properly entitled his interpretation “The Curse of Saintliness.” Some other critics have suggested that although Dostoevsky’s original intent was to present a positive alternative to Ippolit’s pessimistic existential philosophy, the integrity of his creative imagination forced him to let Myshkin, Ippolit’s ideological antagonist, fail dismally. These critics do  consider the fact that Jesus Christ was in their terms a failure: people went on living as before and changed but little even after He departed this world. Some of the most beloved saints of the Russian church were not successful prelates but humble martyrs or “fools in Christ.” Myshkin’s response to Ippolit’s challenge has to be found in something other than the plot of the novel.

Edward Wasiolek, in his book Dostoevsky: The Major Fiction (1964), put it this way; “The..Prince is a success because for a moment he is able to kindle the faith in others of a truer image of themselves; for a few minutes he is able to quiet, by his own suffering, the rage of insult upon insult.” This moves success from the level of action and good deeds to the level of attitudes of the human soul. Kjetsaa, among others, has pointed out that it is precisely this idea that answers the question as to the novel’s religious message. He suggests that in the context of Dostoevsky’s Russian Orthodox faith the attitude of a man’s heart, his responsiveness to God’s grace, the degree of his spirituality, rather than his moral accomplishments, are the measure of a Christian’s progress.

In a conversation with Rogozhin in chapter 4 of part 2, Myshkin brings up this topic. He tells of a murderer who begs God for mercy even as he cuts his victim’s throat and of a young mother who crosses herself as she sees the first smile on her baby’s face, then observes that “religious feeling does not come under any sort of reasoning or atheism, and has nothing to do with any crimes or misdemeanors” (252-53/183-84). Dostoevsky’s works have a pattern of tolerance of sins of commission. His drunks, thieves, frauds, and even murderers are often treated with sympathy. They also have a pattern of stern judgment of sins of omission — that is, a lack of compassion, kindness, and forgiveness.

With his own example and with those that he reports, Prince Myshkin acknowledges the irresoluble antinomy between the Orthodox Christian’s position and that of the unbeliever. Michael Holquist has defined this antinomy in terms of two aspects of time: chronos and /kairos. There is unstoppable, irretrievable, entropic chronos: Nastasya Filippovna cannot retrieve her innocence, Myshkin cannot stop the unfolding catastrophe, Rogozhin cannot escape his fate. Christ died on the cross, a son of man, nor did He stop the course of history..

This is the only kind of time the unbeliever Ippolit knows, time as man’s enemy, time the destroyer and the bringer of death. But there is also kairos: the good time, the right time, the moment of epiphany, the moment when chronos comes to a stop, all of which Ippolit mockingly rejects (425/318). It is here that Myshkin’s epilepsy acquires a symbolic meaning. He is subject to the course of time in a real world (only Christ is beyond time), but during the moment of ecstasy before a fit time does have a stop (258/188). The experience described by Myshkin is real and not to be confused with “abnormal and unreal visions” triggered by opium, hashish, or wine; it is in fact an experience of reality quintessentially compressed.

Early on in the novel, Myshkin expresses his intuitive awareness of a reality other than that of mundane experience: “I kept fancying that if I walked straight on, far, far away and reached that line where sky and earth meet, there I should find the key to the mystery, there I should see a new life a thousand times richer and more turbulent than ours” (82/51).

Myshkin’s function on the religious-metaphysical level of the novel is “not to alter the course of the action but to disseminate the aura of a new state of being.” This “state of being” is one of communion and unity with the all, with God, and hence with nature and humanity. Somewhat surprisingly the explicit statement to this effect is made by Ippolit and not by Prince Myshkin: “In scattering the seed, scattering your ‘charity,’ your kind deeds, you are giving away, in one form or another, part of your personality, and taking into yourself part of another; you are in mutual communion with one another… All your thoughts, all the seeds scattered by you, perhaps forgotten by you, will grow up and take form” (447/336).

This “state of being” means overcoming the separation from God, nature, and humanity that comes in the wake of human individuation and surrender to hostile chronos. This victory over human alienation is easier for the Orthodox Christian, since Orthodox Christianity, taking a less extreme view of the effect of original sin than the Western church, perceives man as inherently divine as well as earthly, while Western Christendom stresses man’s sinful earthly nature. To Dostoevsky, at Orthodox Christian, moments in which man’s divine nature allows him to commune with God and His cosmos are a part of reality

Ippolit, an unbeliever and a self-centered, alienated individual looking for the absolute but finds none because he looks for it for and within himself. Myshkin, a believer, gratefully accepts what God, nature, and men bring him because he has overcome his sense of separateness. At one point Prince S. suggests that Myshkin believes in finding paradise on earth (380/ 282). However, in several passages in the novel we learn that Myshkin at one time suffered precisely from a sense of separateness and alienation: “What affected me most was that everything was strange [chuzhoe, which is perhaps better translated by “alien”]; I realized that. I was crushed by the strangeness of it. I was finally roused from this gloomy state, I remember, one evening on reaching Switzerland at Bâle, and I was roused by the bray of an ass in the marketplace” (78-79/ 48).

Later in the novel, Myshkin remembers how he had “stretched out his hand to that bright, infinite blue, and had shed tears” because “he was utterly outside all this” (466/351). However, Myshkin’s alienation is different from Ippolit’s. It is not alienation through individuation, the inevitable result of human free will and a condition that follows the fall from grace, but rather the pristine condition of a soul that is awakening to a consciousness of self, of its freedom, and of God.

The allegoric role of Nastasya Filippovna is announced early in the novel. As Myshkin is left alone with her photograph, he raises it to his lips and kisses it (104/68). Adelaida, on seeing it, says: “With beauty like that one might turn the world upside down” (105/69). Nastasya Fi1ippovna is no ordinary beauty. (Adelaida, it must be noted, is herself an exceptionally handsome woman.) Nastasya Filippovna’s is a beauty illuminated by an aura of the ideal. Mochulsky, who on the empirical plane describes Nastasya Filippovna as a “proud beauty” and “wronged heart,” projects her on the metaphysical plane as “a symbol of beauty,” seduced and degraded by “the prince of this world.”

Myshkin immediately recognizes in her divine Psyche, an emanation of the world soul. In a somewhat less fanciful way, one may see Nastasya Filippovna as a symbol of pure beauty cast into a world that is incapable of appreciating beauty. Totsky, Ganya, Epanchin, and Rogozhin, each in his own way, futilely seek to possess her. Totsky, who fancies himself an aesthete, is really a common lecher, who reduces the radiant beauty of an innocent maiden to the glamor of a demimondaine.

Rogozhin, obsessed with the urge to possess her, does not realize that he is pursuing beauty, an ideal entity, which must inevitably elude his violent carnal passion. Nastasya Filippovna tells him that his passion for her is no different from his father’s obsession with the accumulation of money, also a futile pursuit of a forever elusive goal. Rogozhin, wiser than his father, kills her. Only Myshkin can perceive the ideal of pure beauty in her. Myshkin, who says that “beauty will save the world,” cannot save Nastasya Filippovna. The very context (423/317) suggests that he was wrong. This agrees with the message of The Brothers Karamazov, where Dimitry Karamazov, a believer in the power of beauty, learns that it is not beauty that saves the world, but faith.

Nastasya Filippovna’s beauty suffers the same fate as Prince Myshkin’s saintliness. In mundane, temporal terms, it does not save anyone. It does turn the world upside down, and it causes Nastasya Filippovna and all the men around her nothing but grief. But as a vision, as the symbo1of an ideal, it is an immediate revelation of the divine. Again, this makes more sense in an Orthodox Christian context than it does in a secular context.

The Orthodox belief that ideally the human face has retained the divine features of God’s face, a belief on which the worship of icons is based, makes Prince Myshkin’s reaction to Nastasya Filippovna’s portrait more understandable.

The irresoluble contradiction between two opposing principles is underlined by recurrent bursts of strident dissonance, scandal, and violence that disturb the otherwise placid world of middle-class St. Petersburg. Prince Myshkin’s appearance coincides with an eruption of disorder, discord, and ultimately misery and death in the world he has entered. This is allegorically significant. The temporal world to which Christ descended was one of discord and violence. The disharmonious world of The Idiot falls in line with the orientation of modern religious novels by Graham Greene, François Mauriac, Heinrich Boll, Anthony Burgess, and others.

The conjuring of scandals is one of Dostoevsky’s great specialties, and The Idiot features a long line of them. The Prince is a party to a series of scandalous scenes. Varya spits in her brother’s face, who tries to attack her, is stopped by the Prince, and slaps the Prince’s face (142/99). Rogozhin’s drunken crowd crashes the genteel gathering at Nastasya Filippovna’s, and a climactic scandalous scene ensues (184/131-32). Nastasya Filippovna disrupts a gathering that has already seen much unpleasantness by announcing that Rogozhin has bought up Evgeny Pavlovich’s IOUs (337/251). A bit later there comes the horsewhipping scene (391/291).

The scene between Aglaya and Nastasya Filippovna ends in another scandal. Finally, Nastasya Filippovna runs away from her wedding. Myshkin is unable to prevent any of these scandals. Yet his reaction is in each case that of a Christian, not to say that of a Christ figure. The allegoric message of this is that religious feeling “has nothing to do with crimes and misdemeanors” or, more specifically, that the essence of religion does not lie in the successful prevention or curtailment of scandalous behavior, impropriety, violence, or crime but in a willingness to meet these acts with forebearance, kindness, and courage.

The same applies to a series of executions that appear in the text in one form or another throughout the novel. They are another symbol of the jarring dissonance between the principles of chronos and kairos. Myshkin brings up this theme twice at the very outset of the novel and immediately establishes the cruel paradox it entails:

The uncertainty and feeling of aversion for that new thing which would be and was just coming was awful. But he said that nothing was so dreadful at that time as the continual thought, “What if I were not to die! What if I could go back to life — what eternity! And it would all be mine! I would turn every minute into an age; I would lose nothing, I would count every minute as it passed, I would not waste one!” He said that this idea turned to such a fury at last that he longed to be shot quickly. (83-84/52)

The point of this is, of course, that the condemned man will, if his life will be indeed spared, go back on his promise to live a life beyond the tyranny of chronos. He will not “turn every minute into an age” but will waste it, as most men do most of the time.

Subsequently several further executions are brought up. The Countess Du Barry pleads with her executioner for another moment of life (227/164). The boyar [vocab: A member of a class of higher Russian nobility that until the time of Peter I headed the civil and military administration of the country] Stephan Glebov, impaled under Peter the Great, Chancellor Osterman, who went through a mock execution (571-72/432-33), and finally Thomas More (580/440) are brought up to illustrate the idea that in earlier days men were “of one idea” and therefore capable of making death a meaningful part of their existence, while “modern men are broader-minded — and I swear that this prevents their being so all-of-a-piece as they were in those days” (572/433).

We also hear that the Prince is “collecting facts relating to capital punishment” (426/319). There is also the description of Holbein’s “Deposition of Christ,” Ippotit’s “Essential Explanation,” and the death of Nastasya Filippovna under Rogozhin’s knife. In all of these instances Prince Myshkin is more than a passive observer. Rather, he vicariously experiences each death as though it were his own, each execution as though he were the victim — and the executioner. This powerful assertion of dissonance, discord, and death is deeply meaningful, because it does not disturb the Prince faith or his serene acceptance of the world as it is.

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Rene Girard on Dostoevsky’s Legend of the Grand Inquisitor

April 7, 2010

The Grand Inquisitor

When we consider the seventy years in the twentieth century his country was in the hands of its revolutionaries trying to build a Communist utopia, we cannot fail to discern in the nineteenth-century Russian novelist Feodor Dostoevsky a prophetic dimension — and one in which we may behold an image of our own culture’s controversies even after the fall of communism. The crisis he explored in nineteenth-century Russia’s belated and vexed encounter with Europe foreshadows the critical confrontations of our own time, as we face the decline of traditional religious, political, and epistemological authority while lost in a fog of competing claims about scientific determinism, groundless freedom, and the latest fashionable ideology.

If we cannot imagine Dostoevsky’s adaptation of our culture wars to the debates he stages in the living rooms, taverns, and seminaries of his novels, we haven’t grasped the implications of his work — as René Girard suggests in the concluding essay he has attached to Resurrection from the Underground, his twenty-year-old study of Dostoevsky’s work, now deftly translated into English.

The narrator of the Russian novelist’s Notes from the Underground neatly summarizes the far from completely secularized pandemonium in which we can recognize our own nihilistic climate: “Without books and literature, we are entangled and lost — we don’t know what to join, what to keep up with; what to love, what to hate; what to respect, what to despise.”

The famous passage in Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov — where Ivan Karamazov tells the legend of Jesus Christ returning to the world, only to encounter the Grand Inquisitor — is perhaps the best example of the novelist’s own relentless probing into modern culture’s muddled relation to its religious inheritance, the repudiation of which in the name of purely human dominion he views as blindly self-destructive.

But only in Girard’s retrospective comments twenty years after he wrote the book do these elements in Resurrection from the Underground come clear. Here is a reading selection from “Resurrection from the Underground” where Girard deals with the Legend of the Grand Inquisitor:

Dostoevsky begins to explain the freedom that comes from Christ in The Brothers Karamazov. He finally makes his way to this freedom with the aid of Christ and he celebrates it in the famous Legend of the Grand Inquisitor. It is put in the mouth of Ivan Karamazov as he seeks to explain to his brother Alyosha why he, Ivan, must “return his ticket” to a world which is not governed by a just and loving God — if there is a God.

The scene is in Seville in the end of the fifteenth century. Christ appears in a street and a crowd gathers about him, but the Grand Inquisitor comes along the way. He observes the mob and has Christ arrested. That night he goes to pay a visit to the prisoner in his dungeon and shows him, in a long discourse, the folly of his “idea.”

Thou wanted to found thy reign on that freedom that human beings hate and from which they always flee into some idolatry, even if they celebrate it with words. It would be better to make humans less free and thou hast made them more free, which only leads them to multiply their idols and conflicts between idols. Thou hast committed humanity to violence, misery, and disorder.

The Inquisitor predicts that a new Tower of Babel will be raised up, more dreadful than the former one and dedicated, like it, to destruction. The grand Promethean enterprise, fruit of Christian freedom, will end in “cannibalism.”

The Grand Inquisitor is not unaware of anything that the underground, Stavrogin, and Kirillov (characters in The Possessed) have taught Dostoevsky. The vulgar rationalists find no trace of Christ, neither in the individual soul nor in history, but the Inquisitor asserts that the divine incarnation has made everything worse. The fifteen centuries gone by and the four centuries to come, whose course he prophesies, support his account.

The Inquisitor does not confuse the message of Christ with the psychological cancer to which it leads, by contrast to Nietzsche and Freud. He therefore doesn’t accuse Christ of having underestimated human nature, but of having overestimated it, of not having understood that the impossible morality of love necessarily leads to a world of masochism and humiliation.

The Grand Inquisitor doesn’t seek to make an end of idolatry by an act of metaphysical force, like Kirillov; he wants rather to heal evil with evil, to tie humans to immutable idols and, in particular, to an idolatrous conception of Christ. D. H. Lawrence, in a famous article, accused Dostoevsky of “perversity” because he placed in the mouth of a wicked inquisitor what he, Lawrence, regarded as the truth concerning human beings and the world.

The error of Christ, in the eyes of the Inquisitor, is all the less excusable because “he had adequate warnings.” In the course of the temptations in the wilderness the devil, the “profound spirit of self-destruction and nothingness,” revealed to the redeemer and placed at his disposal the three means capable of insuring the stability, well-being, and happiness of humanity. Christ disdained them, but the Inquisitor and his ilk have taken them up and work — always in the name of Christ but in a spirit contrary to his — for the advent of an earthly kingdom more in keeping with the limitations of human nature.

Agreeing with Dostoevsky, Simone Weil saw in the inquisition the archetype of all totalitarian solutions. The end of the Middle Ages is an essential moment in Christian history; the heir, having reached the age of an adult, lays claim to his heritage. His guardians are not wrong to mistrust his maturity, but they are wrong to want to prolong indefinitely their tutelage. The Legend resumes the problem of evil at the precise point where Demons abandoned it. The underground appeared in this novel as the failure and reversal of Christianity. The wisdom of the redeemer, and especially his redemptive power, are notably absent. Rather than hide his own anxiety from himself, Dostoevsky expresses it and gives it an extraordinary fullness. He never combats nihilism by fleeing from it.

Christianity disappointed Dostoevsky. Christ himself has surely not responded to his expectation. There is, in the first place, the misery that he has not abolished, then the suffering, and also the daily bread that he has not given to all human beings. He has not “changed life.” That is the first reproach, and the second is yet more serious. Christianity does not bring certitude; why does God not send a proof of his existence, a sign, to those who would believe in him, but don’t attain this belief? And finally and above all, there is that pride which no effort, no prostration of oneself is able to reduce, that pride which goes as far, sometimes, as envying Christ himself.

When he defines his own grievances against Christianity, Dostoevsky encounters the Gospel, he encounters the three “temptations in the wilderness”:

Then Jesus was led by the Spirit out into the wilderness to be tempted by the devil. He fasted for forty days and forty nights, after which he was very hungry~ and the tempter came and said to him, “If thou art the Son of God, tell these stones to turn into loaves.” But he replied, “Scripture says:

Man does not live on bread alone but on every word that comes from the mouth of God.”

The devil then took him to the holy city and made him stand on the parapet of the Temple. “If thou art the Son of God,” he said, “throw thyself down; for Scripture says:

He will put thee in his angels’ charge, and they will support thee on their hands in case thou hurtest thy foot against a stone.”

Jesus said to him, “Scripture also says:

Thou must not put the Lord your God to the test.”

Next, taking him to a very high mountain, the devil showed him all the kingdoms of the world and their splendor. “I will give thee all these,” he said, “if thou fallest at my feet and worship me.” Then Jesus replied, “Be off, Satan! For Scripture says:

Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and serve him alone.”

Then the devil left him, and angels appeared and looked after him.
Matthew 4:1-11 The translation of Gospel passages follows the Jerusalem Bible except for the use of the archaic pronouns “thou,” “thy,” “thee.” Dostoevsky evidently made the language of the Inquisitor archaic, and this pronoun usage helps to convey that.

These are indeed the major temptations of Dostoevsky: social Messianism, doubt, and pride. The last one is especially worthy of meditation. Everything that the proud desire leads them, after all, to prostrate themselves before the Other, Satan. The only moments of his life when Feodor Mikhailovich did not succumb to one or the other of the temptations were those when he succumbed to all three at once. So it is therefore to himself in particular that this message is addressed; the Legend is the proof that he finally understands its call. The presence in the Gospel of Matthew of a text so adapted to his needs affords him great comfort. There it is, the sign he was seeking, as he tells us in brilliant and veiled fashion by the mouth of his Inquisitor:

And could one say anything more penetrating than what was said to thee in the three questions or, to speak in the language of the Scriptures, the “temptations” that thou rejected? If ever there had been on earth an authentic and resounding miracle, it occurred the day of the three temptations. The very formulation of these three questions constitutes a miracle. Let us suppose that they had disappeared from the Scriptures, that it had been necessary to compose them, to imagine them anew in order to replace them there, and that one had gathered for this all the sages of the earth, persons of state, prelates, scholars, philosophers, poets, saying to them: imagine and compose three questions which not only correspond to the importance of that event, but express in three sentences all the history of future humanity — dost thou believe that this summit gathering of human wisdom could imagine anything as strong and profound as the three questions put to thee by the powerful Spirit? These three questions prove, all by themselves, that one has met here the eternal and absolute Spirit and not a transitory human mind. For they summarize and predict simultaneously all the later history of humanity. These are the three forms in which all the insoluble contradictions of human nature are crystalized. One could not understand it then, for the future was veiled, but now, after fifteen centuries have elapsed, we see that everything had been foreseen in these three questions and has been realized to the point that it is impossible to add anything to them or to remove a single word from them.

The Legend is basically only the repetition and expansion of the Gospel scene evoked by the Grand Inquisitor. This is what must be understood when one wonders, a little naively, about the silence that Alyosha maintains in face of the arguments of this new tempter. There is no “refuting” of the Legend since, from a Christian point of view, it is the devil, it is the Grand Inquisitor, it is Ivan who is right. The world is delivered over to evil. In St. Luke the devil asserts that every earthly power has been delivered to him “and I give it to whom I will.” Christ does not “refute” this assertion. Never does he speak in his own name; he takes refuge behind the citations of Scripture. Like Alyosha, he refuses to debate.

The Grand Inquisitor believes he can praise Satan, but it is of the Gospel that he speaks, it is the Gospel that has preserved its freshness after fifteen, after nineteen centuries of Christianity. And it is not only in the instance of the temptations, but at each moment the Legend echoes the Gospel sayings:

Do not suppose that I have come to bring peace to the earth: it is not peace I have come to bring but a sword. For I have come to set a man against his father, a daughter against her mother.
Matthew 10:34-35a

The central idea of the Legend, that of the risk entailed by the increase of freedom for humans, or of the grace conferred by Christ, a risk the Grand Inquisitor refuses to run — this very idea figures in passages of the Gospel which evoke irresistibly Dostoevsky’s concept of underground metaphysics.

When an unclean spirit goes out of a man it wanders through waterless country looking for a place to rest, and cannot find one. Then it says, “I will return to the house I came from.” But on arrival, finding it unoccupied, swept, and tidied, it then goes off and collects seven other spirits more evil than itself, and they go in and set up house there, so that the man ends up by being worse than he was before. That is what will happen to this evil generation.
Matthew 12:43-45

Behind the dark pessimism of the Grand Inquisitor is the outline of an eschatological vision of history that responds to the question Demons left in suspense. Because he foresaw the rebellion of man, Christ foresaw also the sufferings and ruptures that his coming would cause. The proud assurance of the orator allows us to discern a new paradox, that of the divine Providence which effortlessly outwits the calculations of rebellion. The reappearance of Satan does not nullify his prior defeat. Everything must finally converge toward the good, even idolatry.

If the world flees Christ, he will be able to make this flight serve his redemptive plan. In division and contradiction he will accomplish what he wanted to accomplish in union and joy. In seeking to divinize itself without Christ, humankind places itself on the cross. It is the freedom of Christ, perverted but still vital, that produces the underground. There is not a fragment of human nature that is not kneaded and pressed in the conflict between the Other and the Self. Satan, divided against himself, expels Satan. The idols destroy the idols. Humankind exhausts, little by little, all illusions, including inferior notions of God swept away by atheism. It is caught in a vortex more and more rapid as its always more frantic and mendacious universe strikingly reveals the absence and need of God. The prodigious series of historical catastrophes, the improbable cascade of empires and kingdoms, of social, philosophical, and political systems that we call Western civilization, the circle always greater which covers over an abyss at whose heart history collapses ever more speedily — all this accomplishes the plan of divine redemption. It is not the plan that Christ would have chosen for human beings if he had not respected their freedom, but the one they have chosen for themselves in rejecting him.

Dostoevsky’s art is literally prophetic. He is not prophetic in the sense of predicting the future, but in a truly biblical sense, for he untiringly denounces the fall of the people of God back into idolatry. He reveals the exile, the rupture, and the suffering that results from this idolatry. In a world where the love of Christ and the love of the neighbor form one love, the true touchstone is our relation to others. It is the Other whom one must love as oneself if one does not desire to idolize and hate the Other in the depths of the underground. It is no longer the golden calf, it is this Other who poses the risk of seducing humans in a world committed to the Spirit, for better or for worse.

Between the two forms of idolatry. the one attacked in the Old Testament and the other unmasked in the New, there are the same differences and the same analogical relation as between the rigidity of the law and universal Christian freedom. All the biblical words that describe the first idolatry describe analogously the second. This is certainly why the prophetic literature of the Old Testament has remained fresh and alive.

The Christianity that the Inquisitor describes is like the negative of a photograph — it shows everything in a reversed manner, just like the words of Satan in the account of the temptations. It has nothing to do with the metaphysical milk toast that a certain bourgeois piety holds up as a mirror to itself. Christ wanted to make humans into super-humans, but by means opposed to those of Promethean thought. So the arguments of the Grand Inquisitor are turned against him when one understands them as they are intended. It is just this that the pure Alyosha observes to his brother Ivan, the author and narrator of the Legend. “Everything that you say serves not to blame, but to praise Christ.”

Christ has been voluntarily deprived of all prestige and all power. He refuses to exercise the least pressure; he desires to be loved for himself. To reiterate, it is here the Inquisitor who speaks. What Christian would want to “refute” such statements? The Inquisitor sees all, knows all, understands all. He understands even the mute appeal of love but is incapable of responding to it. What to do in this case but to reaffirm the presence of this love? Such is the sense of the kiss that Christ gives, wordlessly, to the wretched old man. Alyosha, too, kisses his brother at the conclusion of his story and Ivan accuses him, laughingly, of plagiary.

The diabolical choice of the Inquisitor is nothing else than a reflection of the diabolical choice made by Ivan Karamazov. The four brothers are accomplices in the murder of their father, but the guiltiest of all is Ivan, for he is the one who inspires the act of murder. The bastard Smerdyakov is the double of Ivan, whom he admires and hates passionately. To kill the father in place of Ivan is to put into practice the audacious statements of this master of rebellion; it is to anticipate his most secret desires; it is to go even further on the road he himself designated. But a diabolical double is soon substituted beside Ivan for this double who is still human.

The hallucination of the double synthesizes, as we have seen, quite a series of subjective and objective phenomena belonging to underground existence. This hallucination, at once true and false, is not perceived until the phenomenon of doubling reaches a certain degree of intensity and gravity.

The hallucination of the devil that Ivan experiences may be explicated, at the phenomenal level, by a new aggravation of psychopathological troubles produced by pride; it embodies, on the religious level, the metaphysical overcoming of underground psychology. The more one approaches madness, the more one equally approaches the truth, and if one does not fall into the former, one must end up necessarily in the latter.

What is the traditional conception of the devil? This character is the father of lies; he is thus simultaneously true and false, illusory and real, fantastic and everyday. Outside of us when we believe him to be in us, he is in us when we believe him outside of us. Although he leads an existence useless and parasitic, he is morally and resolutely “Manichean.” He offers us a grimacing caricature of what is worst in us. He is at once both seducer and adversary. He does not cease to thwart the desires that he suggests and if, by chance, he satisfies them it is in order to deceive us.

It is superfluous to emphasize the relations between this devil and the Dostoevskyan double. The individuality of the devil, like that of the double, is not a point of departure, but an outcome. Just as the double is the origin of all doublings or divisions, the devil is the locus and the origin of all possessions and other demoniacal manifestations. The objective reading of the underground leads to demonology. And there is no reason to by astonished by that, for we are really always in this “kingdom of Satan” which is not able to maintain itself, for “it is divided against itself.”

Between the double and the devil there is not a relation of identity but a relation of analogy. One moves from the first to the second in the way in which one moves from the portrait to the caricature; the caricaturist relies on characteristic features and suppresses those that are not. The devil, parodist par excellence, is himself the fruit of parody. For an artist imitates himself, he simplifies, schematizes, makes himself starker in his own essence, in order finally to render ever more striking the meanings with which his work is permeated.

There is no break in continuity, no metaphysical leap between the double and the devil. One moves imperceptibly from one to the other, just as one passed imperceptibly from romantic doublings to the personified double. The process is essentially aesthetic. For Dostoevsky there is, as for most great artists, what could be called an “operational formalism,” from which, however, a formalist theory of art should not be deduced. Perhaps the distinction between form and content, which is always dialectical, is not truly legitimate except from the standpoint of the creative process. It is proper to define the artist by his quest for form, because by form as intermediary he accomplishes the penetration of reality, the knowledge of the world and himself. The form here literally precedes the meaning, and this is why it is bestowed as “pure” form.

In Dostoevsky the devil is thus called forth by an irresistible tendency to bring forth the structure of some fundamental obsessions which constitute the primary subject-matter of the work. The idea of the devil does not introduce any new element, but it organizes the old ones in a more coherent and meaningful manner. In fact, this idea is revealed as the only one capable of unifying all the phenomena observed. There is not a gratuitous intervention of the supernatural in the natural world. The devil is not represented to us as the cause of the phenomena. For example, he repeats all the ideas of Ivan, who recognizes in him a “projection” of his sick brain but who ends up, like Luther, by throwing an inkwell at his head.

Ivan’s devil is even more interesting to the extent that Dostoevsky’s realism is so scrupulous. Never, before The Brothers Karamazov, had the theme of the devil contaminated that of the double. Even in the “romantic” period we do not find in Dostoevsky those purely literary and decorative comparisons and connections to which the German writers devote themselves so readily. On the other hand, he had already thought about giving a satanic double to the persona of Stavrogin, but this double is already that of Ivan. It is particularly with Demons(more familiarly known as The Possessed in its first translation), one may recall, that the entire underground psychology appears to Dostoevsky as an inverted image of the Christian structure of reality, as precisely its double. If Dostoevsky temporarily withdrew from his idea, it was not because the novelist within him still held in check a fanaticism to which he gave free rein in The Brothers Karamazov. It is rather because he feared misunderstanding from the public. The interior demand and motivation were not yet mature enough to surmount this obstacle.

With The Brothers Karamazov all things are accomplished. The devil is totally objectified, expelled, exorcised; he must therefore figure in the work as the devil as such. Pure evil is disengaged, and its nothingness is revealed. It no longer causes fear, for separated from the being that it haunts, it seems even derisory and ridiculous, nothing more than a bad nightmare.

This impotence of the devil is not a gratuitous idea, but a truth inscribed on all the pages of the work. If the Inquisitor is able to express only what is good, this is because he goes further in evil than all his predecessors. There is almost no longer any difference between his reality and that of the elect. Indeed, it is with full knowledge that he chooses evil. Almost everything he says is true, but his conclusions are radically false. The last words he states are the pure and simple inversion of the words that end the New Testament in the Apocalypse: for the marana tha of the early Christians — “Come, O Lord” —he substitutes a diabolic “Don’t come back, don’t ever come back, ever!”

This evil that is at once the strongest and the feeblest is evil seized at its root, that is, evil revealed as pure choice. The pinnacle of diabolic lucidity is also extreme blindness. The Dostoevsky of The Brothers Karamazov is just as ambiguous as the romantic Dostoevsky, but the terms of ambiguity are no longer the same. In The Insulted and Injured the rhetoric of altruism, nobility, and devotion covers over pride, masochism, and hate. In The Brothers Karamazov it is pride that comes into the foreground. But the frenzied discourses of this pride allow us to catch a glimpse of a good that has nothing otherwise in common with romantic rhetoric.

Dostoevsky lets evil speak to bring it to the point where it refutes and condemns itself. The Inquisitor discloses his scorn for humanity and his appetite for domination that drives him to prostrate himself before Satan. But this self-refutation, the self-destruction of evil must not be utterly explicit for otherwise it would lose all its aesthetic and spiritual value. It would lose, in other words, its value as temptation. This art of which the Legend is the model could indeed be defined as the art of temptation. All the characters of the novel, or almost all, are tempters of Alyosha: his father, his brothers, and also Grushenka, the seductress, who gives money to the wicked monk Rakitin so that he will lead Alyosha to her. Father Zossima himself becomes, after his death, the object of a new temptation as the rapid decomposition of his corpse shocks the naive faith of the monastic community.

But the most terrible tempter is certainly Ivan when he presents the suffering of innocent children as a motif of metaphysical revolt. Alyosha is stunned and upset, but the tempter, once again, is powerless, for without knowing it he works even for the victory of the good, since he incites his brother to concern himself with the unfortunate little Ilyusha and his friends. The same reasons that distance the rebel from Christ impel those open to love toward him. Alyosha well knows that the pain he experiences at the thought of the suffering children comes from Christ himself.

Between the temptations of Christ and the temptations of Alyosha there is an analogy that underlines the parallelism of the two kisses given to the two tempters. The Legend is presented as a series of concentric circles around the Gospel archetype: circle of the Legend, circle of Alyosha, and finally the circle of the readers themselves. The aft of the tempter-novelist consists in revealing, behind all human situations, the choices that they imply. The novelist is not the devil but his advocate, advocatus diaboli. He preaches the false in order to lead us to what is true. The task of the reader consists in recognizing, with Alyosha, that everything he has just read “is not for the blame but the praise of Christ.”

The Slavophil and reactionary friends of Dostoevsky did not recognize anything at all. No one, it seems, was really ready for an art so simple and so great. They expected of a Christian novelist some reassuring formulas, some simplistic distinctions between good and bad people, in a word, “religious” art in the ideological sense. The art of the later Dostoevsky is terribly ambiguous from the point of view of the sterile oppositions with which the world is filled because it is terribly clear from the spiritual point of view. Constantine Pobedonostzev, the procurator of the Holy Synod, was the first to demand this “refutation,” whose absence continues to chagrin or elate so many contemporary critics. There is no need to be astonished if Dostoevsky himself ratifies, in a way, this superficial reading of his work by promising the demanded refutation. It is not the author but the reader who defines the objective meaning of the work. If the reader does not perceive that the strongest negation affirms, how would the writer know that this affirmation is really present in his text? If the reader does not perceive that rebellion and adoration finally converge, how would the writer know that this convergence is effectively realized? How could he analyze the art which he is in the process of living? How would he divine that it is the reader, not he, who is wrong? He knows the spirit in which he has written his work, but the results escape him, if one says to him that the effect sought is not visible, he can only bow. This is why Dostoevsky promises to refute the irrefutable without ever following through, and this for good reason.

The pages devoted to the death of Father Zossima are beautiful, but they do not have the force of genius found in the invectives of Ivan. The critics who try to bend Dostoevsky in the direction of atheism insist on the laborious character that Dostoevsky’s positive expression of the good always had. The observation is fair, but the conclusions usually drawn from it are not. Those who demand of Dostoevsky a “positive” art see in this art solely the adequate expression of Christian faith. But these are always people who conceive a lame idea either of art or of Christianity. The art of extreme negation is perhaps, to the contrary the only Christian art adapted to our time, the only art worthy of it. This art does not require listening to sermons, for our era cannot tolerate them. It lays aside traditional metaphysics, with which nobody, or almost nobody, can comply. Nor does it base itself on reassuring lies, but on consciousness of universal idolatry.

Direct assertion and affirmation is ineffective in contemporary art, for it necessarily invokes intolerable chatter about Christian values. The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor escapes from shameful nihilism and the disgusting insipidity of values. The art that emerges in its entirety from the miserable and splendid existence of the writer seeks affirmation beyond negations. Dostoevsky does not claim to escape from the underground. To the contrary, he plunges into it so profoundly that his light comes to him from the other side. “It is not as a child that I believe in Christ and confess him. It is through the crucible of doubt that my Hosanna has passed.”

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Reading Selections from DOSTOEVSKY AND MEMORY ETERNAL by Donald Sheehan

March 9, 2010
 

 

Father Pavel Alexandrovich Florensky was a Russian Orthodox priest, theologian, philosopher, mathematician, and scientist who was martyred during the Bolshevik purges of the 1930s. Russian gulag files in 1933.

DONALD SHEEHAN, Ph.D, teaches writing at Dartmouth University, and he is also the director of the Robert Frost Place in Franconia, NH. Professor Sheehan is an ordained Sub-Deacon in the Eastern Orthodox Church, serving at a small mission parish in mid-Vermont. In this lecture, he connects the final scene of Dostoevsky’s The Brother’s Karamazov to the funeral service in the Eastern Orthodox Church, in order to explore the nature of personhood in both Dostoevsky and the Orthodox faith. The complete lecture is here.

Memory Eternal
The Orthodox Christian funeral hymn, “Memory Eternal” concludes Dostoevsky’s great, final novel, The Brothers Karamazov, when, following the funeral of the boy whom Alyosha Karamazov (and the circle of schoolboys around Alyosha) had deeply loved, Alyosha speaks to the boys about the funeral and about the meaning of the resurrection, with this brief song as their steady focus.

Being Remembered by the Lord
We can best approach the meaning of this song through following the connection between the Orthodox funeral services and the crucifixion of Christ. Fr. Pavel Florensky, recently canonized by the Church in Russia, articulated the connnection by first asking, “What did the wise thief ask for on the cross?” and then answering by quoting from St. Luke’s Gospel: “Lord, remember me when Thou comest in Thy kingdom.”  Florensky then continues:

“And in answer, in satisfaction of his wish, his wish to be remembered, the Lord witnesses: ‘Verily, I say unto thee, Today shalt thou be with me in Paradise.’ In other words, “to be remembered” by the Lord is the same thing as “to be in Paradise.” “To be in Paradise” is to be in eternal memory and, consequently, to have eternal existence and therefore an eternal memory of God. Without remembrance of God we die, but our remembrance of God is possible only through God’s remembrance of us.

The Relational Reality Of All Personhood
We are persons, says the Orthodox Church, because we fulfill the three conditions of all existence. These three conditions were articulated in the third century A.D. by the Orthodox Fathers known as the Cappadocians. They are summed up in this way by J. D. Zizioulas in his wonderful essay called “The Contribution of Cappadocia to Christian Thought”:

We are persons because we know ourselves as foundationally free, under not even the tiniest bondage to, or limitation of, either earthly history or the material world – a freedom even prior to and greater than the Church herself because (as Zizioulas says) such freedom “constitutes the ‘way of being’ of God Himself.”

We are persons because we can give ourselves freely and entirely to another in self – emptying love; that is, we can voluntarily surrender all our selfhood entirely into the hands of another in the action of loving that other. Zizioulas puts it beautifully: “Love is a relationship, it is the free coming out of one’s self, the breaking of one’s will, a free submission to the will of another.”

We are persons when we understand ourselves as wholly unique, as entirely unrepeatable and forever irreplaceable. As members of a species we are merely replaceable and countable individuals in a set: biological, historical, or sociopolitical. As members of a set (or sets), we can be compelled to serve extrinsic, even hostile, purposes; we can, that is, be treated as things. But as persons, we are unique and unrepeatable; hence, we cannot (as Zizioulas says) “be composed or decomposed, combined or used for any objective whatsoever”(35).

These three conditions of personhood – foundational freedom, self-emptying love, and absolute uniqueness – shed great light on what the Orthodox Church – and Dostoevsky – mean by the phrase “Memory Eternal.” It means this: in the same way that the wise thief achieves personhood by entering into loving Christ freely (and this freedom is emphasized in the crucifixion scene as everyone else mocking Christ while the thief freely and deliberately chooses to love), just so we become persons in freely surrendering our own will, in an action of love, into the hands of another.

Personhood In The Brothers Karamazov
Dostoevsky gives beautiful expression to this Orthodox understanding of personhood early in The Brothers Karamazov when he describes the relation between Alyosha Karamazov and his spiritual father, the Elder Zosima. “What, then,” asks the narrator, “is an elder?” He answers:

An elder is one who takes your soul, your will into his soul and into his will. Having chosen an elder, you renounce your will and give it under total obedience and with total self-renunciation. A man who dooms himself to this trial, this terrible school of life, does so voluntarily, in the hope that after the long trial he will achieve self-conquest, self-mastery to such a degree that he will, finally, through a whole life’s obedience, attain to perfect freedom – that is, freedom from himself – and avoid the lot of those who live their whole lives without finding themselves in themselves.

This perfectly expresses the Orthodox understanding of the relational reality of personhood. And the whole of The Brothers Karamazov can usefully be read as a vast commentary on this single passage. At age 19, Alyosha Karamazov struggles to achieve the “perfect freedom” found only in loving obedience to his spiritual father, the Elder Zosima. At age 28, Dmitri at first rejects the Orthodox way of personhood by plunging into a life of entirely autonomous desires and their endlessly self-willed fulfillment. But then, in the course of the novel, he discovers a profounder and more directly Orthodox experience when he discovers the relational reality of personhood through his love of Grushenka. The middle brother, Ivan, age 24, rejects the ways of both his brothers in the name of a still more terrifying autonomy: not the passional autonomy his older brother Dmitri attempts but a spiritual autonomy, one wherein he asserts his own will as more perfective than God’s will in creating the world. Ivan’s spiritual and psychic agony in the novel’s final 100 pages stands as Dostoevsky’s revelation of what inevitably happens to those who attempt to deny or unmake the Orthodox reality of relational personhood. It is the attempt to unmake Memory Eternal through self-willed oblivion.

Dmitri’s Revelatory Speech
Consider that astonishing moment in the novel when Dmitri, having been falsely arrested and imprisoned for two months for the murder of his father (and about to be wrongly convicted of it), says this to his brother Alyosha who visits him in prison:

“Rakitin wouldn’t understand this,” he began, all in a sort of rapture, as it were, “but you, you will understand everything. That’s why I’ve been thirsting for you. . . . Brother, in these past two months I’ve sensed a new man in me, a new man has arisen in me! He was shut up inside me, but if it weren’t for this thunderbolt, he never would have appeared. Frightening! What do I care if I spend twenty years pounding out iron ore in the mines, I’m not afraid of that at all, but I’m afraid of something else now: that this risen man not depart from me! Even there, in the mines, underground, you can find a human heart in the convict and murderer standing next to you, and you can be close to him, because there, too, it’s possible to live, and love, and suffer! You can revive and resurrect the frozen heart in this convict, you can look after him for years, and finally bring up from the cave into the light a soul that is lofty now, a suffering consciousness. You can revive an angel, resurrect a hero! And there are many of them, there are hundreds, and we’re all guilty for them! Why did I have a dream about a ‘wee one’ at such a moment? ‘Why is the wee one poor?’ It was a prophecy to me at that moment! It’s for the ‘wee one’ that I will go. Because everyone is guilty for everyone else. For all the ‘wee ones,’ because there are little children and big children. All people are ‘wee ones.’ And I’ll go for all of them, because there must be someone who will go for all of them. I didn’t kill father, but I must go. I accept! All of this came to me here . . . Within these peeling walls. And there are many, there are hundreds of them, underground, with hammers in their hands. Oh, yes, we’ll be in chains, and there will be no freedom, but then, in our great grief, we will arise once more into joy, without which it’s not possible for man to live, or for God to be, for God gives joy, it’s his prerogative, a great one. . . .”

Three strands from this complex and revelatory speech:

  1. The first strand occurs when Dmitri says: “A new man has arisen in me! He was shut up inside me, but if it weren’t for this thunderbolt, he would never have appeared.” This newly risen (or resurrected) self is, above all, a remembered self; that is, it is a self that was always “shut up inside” him but that could only be made manifest – i.e., be remembered – by the “thunderbolt” of relationality let loose by his father’s death.
  2. Hence, the second strand: “I didn’t kill father, but I must go. I accept!” The walls of autonomy are here fully breached as Dmitri voluntarily accepts the Orthodox reality wherein “everyone is guilty for everyone else” because each person possesses personhood only relationally. The result in Dmitri is the rush of understanding that, as the false freedom of self-willed autonomy vanishes, genuine joy arrives.
  3. Here is the third strand: “Oh, yes, we’ll be in chains, and there will be no freedom, but then, in our great grief, we will arise once more into joy, without which it’s not possible for man to live, or for God to be. . . .” This third strand explicitly links the arrival of real joy to the ending of false freedom, a joy that is essential, Dmitri says, to both human life and divine being. Together, these three strands – the resurrected self; the relational self; and the joyful self – are the three defining aspects of personhood in The Brothers Karamazov. And all three aspects can be best understood – in Dostoevsky and in Orthodox Christendom – as aspects of the meaning of Memory Eternal.

Pavel Florensky [Father Pavel Alexandrovich Florensky was a Russian Orthodox priest, theologian, philosopher, mathematician, and scientist who was martyred during the Bolshevik purges of the 1930s.] opens yet another dimension of this meaning when he says: “‘My eternal memory’ means both God’s ‘eternal memory’ of me and my ‘eternal memory’ of God. In other words, it is the eternal memory of the Church, in which God and man converge.”

This convergence of God and man, a convergence wherein the human person is understood to become like God, is practically unknown in Western Christianity (except in those very rare experiences called ‘mystical’) but is everywhere operative in Eastern Christendom, where the term given it is the Greek word theosis.

In Orthodoxy, theosis is considered to be the normative goal of every person on earth – and not the rare experience of a spiritual elite called ‘mystics.’ What propels the person toward achieving theosis is, very simply, obeying what Christ, in the gospels, calls the first and great commandment: “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind” (Matthew 22:37). In this scene we are examining, Dmitri perfectly illustrates this love when he ends his speech to Alyosha by saying: “And then from the depth of the earth, we, the men underground, will start singing a tragic hymn to God, in whom there is joy! Hail to God and his joy! I love him!”

Here, then, is the engine that moves the process of theosis: the power of loving God. Furthermore, this is also the engine that moves what Christ (in the same passage in St. Matthew) calls the second of the two great commandments: “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself” (Matthew 22:39). In loving the neighbor – that is, loving the one who is always right now before you, ‘nigh’ or near you – in the same way in which you love God, you are directly experiencing the way wherein the Other is always oneself. These two great commandments are, to the Orthodox heart, Christ’s direct injunctions to each of us to enter into the way of theosis. (vocab: participation in the uncreated grace of God. Theosis is identified and connected with the theoria (vision) of the uncreated Light.)

Then Dostoevsky gives us the fullness of theosis when Dmitri says, on the eve of his trial, to Alyosha what Christ Himself says to His disciples on the eve of His arrest and crucifixion: “I am.” Dmitri says:

And it seems to me there’s so much strength in me now that I can overcome everything, all sufferings, only in order to say and tell myself every moment: I am! In a thousand torments – I am; writhing under torture – but I am. Locked up in a tower, but still I exist, I see the sun, and if I don’t see the sun, still I know it is. And the whole of life is there – in knowing that the sun is.)

Eternal Memory Is A Victory Over Death
This speech, if you will, pure ontological song, one wherein the singer’s affirmation of being (“I am!”) communicates ontological ecstasy to every living thing in such a way that each created thing remains entirely and perfectly itself at the very same moment each thing becomes a single note in the singer’s vast song. In other words, the singer’s love for God converges fully with the love flowing from God to the singer. Thus, the result of entering into ontological song is what can be termed the unceasing aliveness of the state of theosis. For this is an aliveness in which the human person comes to participate through love directly in God’s eternal aliveness. This participation in divine being is what Florensky terms “the eternal memory of the Church in which God and man converge”(144). “And,” Florensky adds, “this eternal memory is a victory over death.

In the “Talks and Homilies of the Elder Zosima,” assembled by Alyosha Karamazov after his beloved Elder’s death, there occurs this extraordinary passage:

Much on earth is concealed from us, but in place of it we have been granted a secret, mysterious sense of our living bond with the other world, with the higher heavenly world, and the roots of our thoughts and feelings are not here but in other worlds. That is why philosophers say it is impossible on earth to conceive the essence of things. God took seeds from other worlds and saved them on this earth, and raised up his garden; and everything that could sprout sprouted, but it lives and grows only through its sense of being in touch with other mysterious worlds; if this sense is weakened or destroyed in you, that which has grown up in you dies. Then you become indifferent to life, and even come to hate it. So I think.

This passage is, as Victor Terras rightly says, “the master key to the philosophic interpretation, as well as to the structure,” of the entire Brothers Karamazov. For this passage elucidates two powerful and connected ideas:

  1. That we can strongly (albeit obscurely) intuit the way wherein this empirical world of our actual lives is, in fact, rooted in the higher heavenly world of God; and
  2. That what bears fruit in this world does so only when we nurture in our lives those three seeds that God has directly sowed in us, a nurturing that occurs when we fall to the ground and die so that these seeds may begin first to bud and then to bear fruit.

These two ideas, then, help us to understand why Dostoevsky chose as the epigraph to his novel this saying of Christ’s: “Truly, truly I say to you, Unless the seed of wheat fall into the ground and die, it abides alone; but if it die, it brings forth much fruit” (John 12:24). What Florensky calls the victory over death is what Christ here describes as the way the seed bears fruit. This way of fruitfulness is the way of Memory Eternal.

Thus, we can see how both the artistic structure and the philosophic significance of the novel are held in these two ideas. We can see the three brothers, throughout the novel, drawing near to enacting these two ideas – or else missing them altogether or (with Ivan) deliberately turning away from them. And what connects these two ideas is, again, Memory Eternal, here understood as the way the seed genetically ‘remembers’ the fruit it springs from and will, if conditions are right, soon become. True remembering is therefore directly connected to – indeed, hardwired into – the process wherein we die so as to enter into fruitfulness. And this process is the one of remembering God and of being remembered by Him.

Regarding The Final Scene In The Novel
We are now able to see something of the lovely shapeliness of the final scene in the novel. In this scene, Alyosha talks to the dozen boys with whom he has just attended the funeral of Ilyusha, the boy they all had come to love in his final days of life. Toward the end of his speech to the boys, Alyosha says this:

Let us first of all and before all be kind, then honest, and then – let us never forget one another. I say it again. I give you my word, gentlemen, that for my part I will never forget any one of you; each face that is looking at me now, I will remember, be it even after thirty years.

This shape is, of course, the Orthodox shape of Memory Eternal: the present seed of actual love is already becoming the unceasing fruitfulness of memory. And this fruitfulness of memory is – in Florensky’s great phrase – “a victory over death,” not at all because we erase the dead in our mind’s oblivion (what secular culture calls ‘getting over it’) but precisely because we keep them so strongly, indeed so brightly present in our love. And Dostoevsky is luminously clear in his Orthodox understanding of Alyosha’s speech. By holding another in our love, we are becoming like God in that we are remembering the seed of God in ourselves at the very instant we are seeing the fully ripened fruitfulness of the other in God. In this way, the other begins to become our very self. Alyosha concludes this way:

You are all dear to me, gentlemen, from now on I shall keep you all in my heart, and I ask you to keep me in your hearts, too! Well, and who has united us in this good, kind feeling, which we will remember and intend to remember always, if not Ilyushechka, that good boy, that kind boy, that boy dear to us unto ages and ages! Let us never forget him, and may his memory be eternal and good in our hearts now and unto ages of ages!

The point is magnificently clear. The fruitfulness of Memory Eternal arises always and solely from an actual person – here, Ilyusha – who unites in love all the Orthodox believers who sing his passing and have taken him into their hearts. Thus, what begins in isolative grief concludes in relational joy. Such is the shape of Memory Eternal in Orthodoxy and in Dostoevsky.

Another Significance Through The Action Of Memory Eternal
And thus emerges still another significance: through the action of Memory Eternal, the person who has died continues to act back into the lives of those who continue to love him or her. In the middle of the novel, in the chapter called “Cana of Galilee,” Alyosha kneels by the coffin of his spiritual father, the Elder Zosima, while the episode in St. John’s Gospel telling of Jesus’ changing water into wine is being read aloud. As the episode is read, Alyosha prays silently, and then he dozes slightly – and then he instantly enters into a vision wherein he sees Father Zosima sitting at the wedding table in Cana where Jesus Himself is sitting. As the Elder catches sight of Alyosha and rises and walks toward him, smiling in beautiful welcome, Alyosha registers perfectly the Orthodox comprehension of what is now occurring: “Why, he is in the coffin. . . . But here, too” (361). That is, Alyosha fully sees how his spiritual father lies dead in the coffin and yet – simultaneously – is standing alive before him. In the actions of Memory Eternal, death on earth is defeated by unceasing aliveness in God.

The scene continues with Alyosha listening to his beloved teacher speaking words of wisdom to him. And then Alyosha, the vision ended, goes out under the immense night sky where, the narrator tells us, “the silence of the earth seemed to merge with the silence of the heavens, the majesty of the earth touched the majesty of the stars”(362). Then Alyosha suddenly falls to earth, weeping in joy and kissing the earth; and the Elder’s voice rings again in Alyosha’s soul: “Water the earth with the tears of your joy, and love those tears . . .”(ibid.). The narrator then says: “It was as if threads from all those innumerable worlds of God came together in his soul, and it was trembling all over, ‘touching other worlds’”(ibid.). This last phrase is, of course, the Elder Zosima’s phrase, here remembered by Alyosha, yes, but above all directly given by the Elder to Alyosha in this moment, directly shaping and indeed directly creating this moment. “Never, never in all his life,” the narrator says, “would Alyosha forget that moment”(363). This moment is, for Alyosha, a moment of theosis, one in which he participates fully in divine aliveness, a moment, that is, of Memory Eternal. And this moment, Dostoevsky makes abundantly clear in the chapter, is a moment that is entirely given by the dead to the living in an action of love. The chapter ends this way: “‘Someone visited my soul in that hour,’ Alyosha would say afterward, with firm belief in his word”. In Memory Eternal, the beloved dead act in love directly in the lives of the living.

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Joseph Frank’s “Dostoevsky: A Writer in His Time”

December 28, 2009

 

This is a monster of a book (959 pages) and is actually a one volume compilation of a five volume work that the author, Joseph Frank, began in the 1970’s. As a young critic in the mid-1950s Frank settled on the then fashionable topic “Existential Themes in Modern Literature” for a presentation at Princeton. Since the leading existentialist lights of the age, Albert Camus and Jean-Paul Sartre, both regarded Fyodor Dostoevsky’s “Notes From The Underground” (1864) as a foundational text for their philosophies, Mr. Frank began an intensive look at the novella, Notes From The Underground.

“His fascination with its anguished protagonist — who on the first page brazenly proclaims “I am a sick man, I am a spiteful man” — eventually led the critic to learn Russian and to plan a short book on the sociological and ideological roots of the Underground Man’s self-hatred. But as Mr. Frank’s fascination with 19th-century Russian culture and social thought grew, so did his project. In 1976 there appeared “Dostoevsky: The Seeds of Revolt, 1821-1849,” followed by four further volumes of critical biography, culminating in 2002 with “Dostoevsky: The Mantle of the Prophet, 1871-1881.”

The poet Allen Tate, introducing Mr. Frank’s first book, a collection of essays on modern literature titled “The Widening Gyre” (1963), described him as “a philosophical critic with an international point of view.” Given such a background, Mr. Frank has avoided the usual sort of literary biography, the kind that strings together facts and anecdotes from a writer’s public life. Instead he keeps his attention focused on Dostoevsky as an artist and thinker, one whose work represents a dialogue with the political, cultural, religious and social movements of his time. As Mr. Frank writes: “The personal entanglements of the figures in the novels, though depicted with often melodramatic intensity, cannot really be understood unless we grasp how their actions are intertwined with ideological motivations.”

The net result of Frank’s efforts (the monster referred to earlier) is presented to us as Dostoevsky: A Writer in His Time, and is a hybrid of biography, literary criticism and intellectual history. A few weeks ago the WSJ published a long review on the book, combining it with some reflections on Dostoevsky. I’ve summarized and taken some reading selections from it here:

About the Book Dostoevsky: A Writer in His Time
All five installments of this work — invariably and rightly described as magisterial — have now been reduced to a single massive volume. Editor Mary Petrusewicz cut the full text by roughly two-thirds, and the result was then read and approved by Mr. Frank, now 91 and a distinguished professor emeritus of Slavic and comparative literature at both Stanford and Princeton. “Dostoevsky: A Writer in His Time” thus immediately becomes the essential one-volume commentary on the intellectual dynamics and artistry of this great novelist’s impassioned, idea-driven fiction.

Naturally, some details have been sacrificed in the abridgment. For instance, in the third volume, “The Stir of Liberation, 1860-1865,” Mr. Frank spends several pages discussing the possible influence on Dostoevsky of Elizabeth Gaskell’s novel “Mary Barton” and Edgar Allan Poe’s short stories (especially “The Tell-Tale Heart” and “The Black Cat”). In this condensation all the Gaskell material has been dropped even though the plot of her novel about industrial suffering, murder and conscience almost certainly influenced “Crime and Punishment” (1866) and “The Brothers Karamazov” (1881). Happily, Princeton University Press promises to keep all five volumes of the full biography in print.

An Overview of His Life
Dostoevsky’s own life (1821-81) was itself quite full of “melodramatic intensity.” His father, who had pulled himself up from poverty to become a doctor, was probably murdered by the family’s own serfs. The young Dostoevsky, following the success of his first novel, “Poor Folk” (1846), joined the progressive Petrashevsky Circle, whose members were eventually arrested for treason and sentenced to be shot. Pardon was granted only when the first three of the condemned were actually standing before the firing squad; Dostoevsky was waiting his turn in the next group of three. Instead of being executed, he was shipped off to four years at hard labor in Siberia — an experience chronicled in “The House of the Dead” (1862). He did not return to St. Petersburg until a full decade had passed, during which time he had become a populist, a believing Christian and a deeper, more serious artist.

In subsequent years Dostoevsky grew increasingly religious, politically conservative, xenophobic and Slavophile, convinced that Russia’s destiny was to lead the world back to God. Already suffering from epilepsy and emphysema, the novelist steadily wrecked his health with overwork. He finished “The Brothers Karamazov” just a month before he died at age 59.

Dostoevsky Dramatized The Ideas Of His Time
As Mr. Frank shows, Dostoevsky brilliantly dramatized the ideas of his time, especially by juxtaposing the social romanticism of the 1840s — the era of the cultivated Russian daydreamers sometimes called “superfluous men” — and the nihilism of the 1860s, associated with the anarchists Mikhail Bakunin and Sergey Nechaev (the probable co-authors of the notorious “Catechism of a Revolutionary”). But Dostoevsky was also constantly measuring his own work against that of the cosmopolitan Ivan Turgenev, whose “Fathers and Children” had electrified the country. Moreover, he was distinctly envious of the gentrified, landowning Tolstoy, going so far as to disparage “Anna Karenina” and its popularity: “I can’t understand what they’re all so excited about.” Surprisingly, these two giants of Russian fiction never met.

The Chapters In “Dostoevsky: A Writer in His Time”
Mr. Frank devotes individual chapters to each of Dostoevsky’s major books — besides those already mentioned, they include “The Idiot” (1869), “Demons,” also known as “The Possessed” (1872), and the journalistic “Diary of a Writer” (1873-1881). He stresses Dostoevsky’s grotesque sense of comedy, his vision of the family as a battleground for psychic domination, his belief in the sanctifying power of suffering and his characteristic atmosphere of “fantastic realism,” through which 19th-century Russian life comes to resemble Greek tragedy or biblical drama. These explicatory chapters bring to bear the critic’s subtle analytic intelligence, as well as his immense learning. Still, one may sometimes disagree. For example, Mr. Frank rather casually sums up Kirillov’s suicide (in “Demons”) as “the self-negation and self-refutation of his own grandiose ideas.” This may be true, but it rather downplays the sheer psychological drama of Kirillov’s last night, as he struggles against his overwhelming desire to live. To me, there is no more harrowing scene in all of 19th-century fiction.

The Most Harrowing Novelist In The World
But then Dostoevsky is the most harrowing novelist in the world. As Mr. Frank says: “It is this union of uncommon social sensitivity with agonized religious probings that gives his work its properly tragic character and its unique place in the history of the novel.” “The Brothers Karamazov” certainly belongs on the same shelf as the Book of Job and “The Oresteia,” “King Lear” and “Paradise Lost.” Such works are fundamentally psycho machias —  representations of battles within the soul, titanic struggles between good and evil, with human salvation and redemption hanging in the balance.

After all, when you read Dostoevsky, you know that he isn’t writing for the sake of social advancement, intellectual vanity or even material gain (though he always needed money, often desperately). He is writing because the Lord has touched his tongue with a blazing coal, and he must go forth and bear witness. His detractors, like Vladimir Nabokov, maintain that Dostoevsky is vulgar, sentimental and melodramatic. In fact, he makes most other writers seem precious, fussy and minor. Here, says Dostoevsky, is the human heart, racked by suffering and pain, lost in the wilderness of this fallen world, hungry for God. Until we rest in Him, our lives are simply ordeals, feverish nightmares, torment.

Dostoevsky Took Ideas Personally
Today we aren’t used to novelists openly espousing such ardent religious belief. But faith in Christ formed the core of Dostoevsky’s being and from it, as Mr. Frank shows, he confronted what he viewed as the ills and horrors — the demons — of his time. He took ideas personally, a friend once said, and actually “felt thought.” His “Notes From Underground” pushes the prospect of Benthamite utilitarianism to its limits — and reveals that utter misery is what results when you allow the head to dominate the heart. That haunting book is, as Mr. Frank substantiates, a riposte to N.G. Chernyshevsky’s arguments about the virtues of “rational egoism.” “Demons” confirms that nihilism uses political expedience as the cover for satanic evil, deliberate cruelty and the “necessary” murder. All of Dostoevsky’s greatest characters — the conscience-stricken ax-murderer Raskolnikov, the dandyish revolutionary Stavrogin, the atheistical Ivan Karamazov —  reveal souls chafed and lacerated by theories. And because of Joseph Frank we know precisely what those theories are.

A Dramatist Of Ideas
Still, Fyodor Dostoevsky wouldn’t be remembered today if he were nothing but a polemicist or a prophet. He was, above all, a dramatist of ideas, often making his devils far more charismatic than his meekly holy characters, such as the saintly prostitute Sonya or Prince Myshkin (in “The Idiot”). “I see,” says Svidrigailov, the derisive and cynical debauchee in “Crime and Punishment,” “that I may strike some people as a romantic figure.” To start one of Dostoevsky’s great novels is to experience what the author himself once called “mystic terror”: The books read like hallucinations or the frantic dreams of madmen, and in them all our darkest, most irrational impulses are acted out.

Not The Text But The Ideological Context
That said, this great psychological novelist didn’t create ex nihilo. His work, which transcends his time, is also deeply grounded in it. To understand Dostoevsky’s often savage satire or nightmarish visions or just the conversations among the Karamazov brothers, one needs to grasp not only the text but also the ideological context. To both of these there is no better guide than Joseph Frank.

I’ve got the book on order at my library and will be writing more about it. Other Dostoevsky stuff on Paying Attention To The Sky can be found…

Here (a review of Victor Abbas Reading Dostoevsky);

Here  (Henri deLubac on reading Dostoevksy)

And Here  (Father Richard John Nuehaus’ reflection on “Dostoevsky’s Question”)

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Reading Selections From “Detractors and Defenders of Dostoevsky’s Art” by Victor Abbas

December 16, 2009

 You will see scattered about Paying Attention To The Sky numerous references to Dostoevsky. Fr. Neuhaus recommended Victor Terras’  seminal work “Reading Dostoevsky”  and we used reading selections from it and Henri de Lubac in a previous post on  the Grand Inquisitor legend in the Brothers Karamazov. This is another selection that takes Dostoevsky’s critics as the point of departure to offer an comprehensive view of his writings.

No Time For “Stylistic Niceties?”
In his lifetime, Dostoevsky was not blessed with laudatory reviews. With time, he became defensive about the artistic quality of his work and made the excuse that he had had to write hurriedly, with no time to pay attention to stylistic niceties. Anybody familiar with Dostoevsky’s notebooks, drafts, and galley proofs knows that this was hardly true. But generations of critics have used Dostoevsky’s remarks to corroborate their negative assessment of his art.

Negative Opinions About Dostoevsky’s Work

  1. Most negative opinions about Dostoevsky’s art boil down to an assertion that, while his works are of some interest psychologically or philosophically, their artistic quality is low. Thus, N. A. Dobroliubov, in an otherwise positive review of Dostoevsky’s novel The Insulted and Injured, “Downtrodden People” (Zabitye liudi, 1861), said in fact that it was “artistically below criticism.” Some more recent critics, such as Ivan Bunin and Vladimir Nabokov, concur. To be sure, much negative criticism was and still is caused by the critics’ disagreement with Dostoevsky’s ideological positions or his general ethos (“good, but pretentious,” said Chekhov).
  2. As regards novelistic structure, some critics have seen Dostoevsky’s plots as chaotic and disorganized, while others have found them “Gothic” and aimed at cheap effects. Still others have charged Dostoevsky with excessive psychologizing (his rival Turgenev found it intolerable) and with overly pronounced naturalism (“copying court records”).’ Many critics have found Dostoevsky’s characters unrealistic, schematic, and contrived. The observation that they all talk alike — like the author — is heard often.
  3. Even more intense is the criticism leveled at Dostoevsky’s stylistic craftsmanship. From the very beginning, critics found his style prolix, repetitious, and lacking in polish. Often enough Dostoevsky was also found to be obscure, artificial, and sentimental, Finally, he has been found to lack balance, restraint, and good taste. In a word, whatever the merits of his oeuvre as a whole, its aesthetic value was found to be slight or nonexistent.
  4. Great moral flaws have also been found in Dostoevsky’s works. The charge heard most often is that of pessimism. Almost as often, the outré, hysterical, and morbid nature of Dostoevsky’s works is held up to censure, The label of a “cruel talent” has stuck to him ever since N. K. Mikhailovsky’s essay of that title (Zhestokii talant) appeared in 1882, Dostoevsky’s fascination with the extremes of the human condition is condemned by many critics. Less common are charges of insincerity, unctuousness, and “rosy Christianity.”
  5. The truth content of Dostoevsky’s works has been often challenged as well. In particular, he is said to have pursued the exceptional instead of the typical. Tendentious distortion of reality is a common charge. In an age of realism, Dostoevsky’s penchant for the fantastic, the paradoxical, and the mystical met with much disapproval.

Analysis Of Structure
These opinions, each voiced by critics of note, maybe assumed to be representative of a substantial body of readers and deserve attention not only as a record of Rezeptionsgeschichte, but also as an avenue to an analysis of Dostoevsky’s works.

As regards the structure of Dostoevsky’s novels, the critics’ dissatisfaction is well founded. If the ideal is a well-spaced and economically developed linear plot, a Dostoevskian novel with its multitude of minor characters and subplots, inserted anecdotes, philosophical dialogues, and the narra tor’s essayistic and other digressions is hardly “well structured.” It must be considered, though, that this linear — or syntagmatic — view ignores the wealth of paradigmatic structures that may do quite as much to integrate the text as an elegant linear plot would: leitmotifs, situation rhyme, recurrent imagery, mirroring and doubling, symbolic foreshadowing, parallelism, literary echoes and outright quotations, and other such devices are all plentiful in Dostoevsky’s novels. Their effect tends to be subliminal, and their presence has been demonstrated only through the efforts of generations of literary scholars.

His Greatness As A Novelist
Claims for Dostoevsky’s greatness as a novelist must be staked in connection with the Bakhtinian sense of the novel as an all-inclusive, wide-open expression of the fullness of life in a world in flux. The pattern of a tightly structured tragic plot may be discerned within this loose texture. Isaiah Berlin was, I believe, deeply wrong when he called Dostoevsky a monist “hedgehog” whose art is all about a single issue, rather than a “fox” with a bagful of tricks. A great novelist in this Bakhtinian sense must be a pluralist. Dostoevsky is a pluralist in a variety of ways. He has been aptly called a “romantic realist.” He has been thought, certainly in the West, to be the most Russian of novelists; yet his greatest impact has been on Western readers. Dobroliubov considered Dostoevsky a champion of the “downtrodden;’ and his art is decidedly demotic, yet it came to be appreciated by the intellectual elite of the twentieth century, the Prousts, Gides, and Hermann Hesses.

All these contradictions are enhanced by what Bakhtin called the polyphonic quality of Dostoevsky’s art: the presence in his texts of a persistent “other voice,” generated by devices such as an ironic narrator, often himself the unwary butt of the implied author’s irony, frequent “inner dialogue,” multiple ambiguities, and an incessant stream of literary and journalistic quotations, echoes, and allusions. Dostoevsky’s texts contain many semantic levels. Their narrative level, itself many-faceted, is synchronized with a moral or political argument, such as the antinomy of human and divine justice in The Brothers Karamazov; an allegorical message, say, the prophetic anticipation of the Russian Revolution in The Possessed; and metaphysical symbolism, such as the theme of resurrection in Crime and Punishment.

Dostoevsky’s Skill As “Devil’s Advocate.”
Dostoevsky’s novels encompass antagonistic philosophies and value systems. He is an excellent “devil’s advocate.” Sophisticated readers have mistaken for his own ideas what Dostoevsky was in fact trying to refute. Dostoevsky’s negative characters, his losers, scoundrels, and villains, are presented with as much empathy as his tragic heroes. Bakhtin drew attention to the carnivalistic strain in Dostoevsky’s novels, where a tragic plot may develop from what was initially a scandalous incident or a bad joke. Burlesque comedy is interspersed with tragic action. Serious ideas are advanced by disreputable types, buffoons, or characters who are clearly wrong about things that are dear to the writer’s heart. Often Dostoevsky’s most cherished thoughts appear in travesty: Lebedev, a disreputable character, praying for the soul of the Countess Du Barry is in fact living up to Father Zosima’s principle of universal guilt and responsibility.

Dostoevsky’s Skill As A Master of Detail
Dostoevsky’s novels have been called ideological.” His heroes may be perceived as ideas incarnate and his plots as conflicts of ideas. But then, too, Dostoevsky “aimed at concreteness all his life,” as Viktor Shklovsky put it. A wealth of concrete detail, both incidental and significant, is to be found in his novels. Mundane concerns appear throughout in the most concrete terms. Dostoevsky is a master of the realistic detail évocateur. Sonia’s plaid shawl, Stavrogin’s little red spider, Arkady’s white-and-blue checkered handkerchief, Iliusha’s toy cannon, Aliosha’s sausage sandwich, and hundreds of such details are remembered by the reader.

Ambiguity
Dostoevsky’s novels are ambiguous even structurally. On the one hand, they leave openings to “real life” in a variety of ways (including allusions to contemporary events and concerns, and especially to contemporary literature). On the other, they are structured artifacts by virtue of the presence in them of abstract ideas that are brought home through various artful devices. A tragic plot in which ancient mythical themes have been detected may be embedded in what is recognizably an old-fashioned family novel with many feuilletonistic digressions, as is the case in The Idiot and The Brothers Karamazov.

Featuring Exceptional Human Beings In Extreme Situations
The charge that Dostoevsky’s novels have Gothic traits and feature high or perverse passions, intrigue, murder, and suicide is of course valid. Dostoevsky’s main characters are exceptional human beings in extreme situations. Yet it must be understood that they live in a world populated by crowds of ordinary people leading ordinary lives. The saints, fanatics, murderers, and tragic sufferers of Dostoevsky’s novels live among men and women who pursue their mundane concerns in familiar ways. This does not invalidate the charge, however, and Dostoevsky’s answer to it was that extreme types and situations were more revealing of the human condition than the so-called “average?”3 This is a fundamental question on which Dostoevsky disagreed with most of his contemporaries. Maximilian Braun has wisely suggested that the crises, rare but still real, of human life were precisely Dostoevsky’s forte, while he had less of an eye and ear for every-day life: courtship and marriage, making a living, raising a family, and such. Which area one considers more important depends on one’s Weltanschauwig.

Dostoevsky’s Naturalism
The charge of “naturalism” is also justified. This goes both for Dostoevsky’s use of topics and details of current journalistic interest and for his frequent depictions of the seamy side of life and distasteful aspects of personal appearance and behavior. Dostoevsky offended not only Victorian sensibilities in this respect. As for Dostoevsky’s characters, it is true that many of them are based on identifiable real-life prototypes. It is also true that these, as well as some other, apparently imaginary characters, are readily perceived as “types,” which was Dostoevsky’s intent. The portraits of, say, Turgenev in The Possessed or of G. Z. Eliseev in The Brothers Karamazov are indiscreetly recognizable and quite cruel. They are also drawn satirically, as social types. But this can hardly be considered an aesthetic blemish, unless one clings to a narrow conception of realist art that excludes satire on the grounds that it distorts reality.

Dostoevsky’s Idealist Belief In The Freedom Of The Human Spirit
More serious is M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin’s charge that The Idiot contains, on the one side, characters full of life and truth, but on the other, some mysterious puppets whirling madly as though in a dream, made by hands trembling with rage.” Similar impressions come from other reputable critics who were at odds with Dostoevsky’s political views. They tended to find Dostoevsky’s characters contrived and carelessly executed. For instance, Mikhailovsky calls the nihilist figures in The Possessed, including Stavrogin, Piotr Verkhovensky, Shatov, and Kirillov, “puppets” and “pale, pretentious, and artificial.” Tolstoi’s identical charge refers to The Brothers Karamazov as a whole. These opinions are to be explained by the fact that the characters perceived as artificial and contrived were in fact created as ideas incarnate. They owe their existence to the ideas that possess them. Their social and psychological Gestalt is a function of these ideas. The disagreement between Dostoevsky and critics who would rather see ideas as a function of a character’s social identity is of a basic nature. It is a disagreement between a positivist social determinism and Dostoevsky’s idealist belief in the freedom of the human spirit.

Another violation of strict realism may be seen in Dostoevsky’s tendency to give many of his characters the gift of imaginative expression. Too many of them talk and think well, or at least interestingly, to be altogether believable. Homer, Dante, and, Shakespeare, to name only the greatest, take the same risk. The gain is in expressiveness. It is this form of poetic license that energizes Dostoevsky’s texts and makes them so memorable.

Dostoevsky’s Characters Talk Like The Author
The most damaging of the charges, that all Dostoevsky’s characters talk like the author, has been heard often since V. G. Belinsky first leveled it, and from as authoritative a reader as Tolstoi. It clashes with Bakhtin’s polyphonic conception of the Dostoevskian novel. How is this patent contradiction to be resolved? It is a fact that Dostoevsky, never a writer “from the notebook” (in the literal sense, that is), is not a very careful stylist when it comes to creating a social, regional, or occupational idiolect for his characters. He also lets some of his characters express thoughts which appear to be “over their heads” and which may be a part of the author’s ideological argument. Furthermore, more than most novelists, Dostoevsky likes to introduce a literary subtext into his dialogue, a trait that runs the danger of deconstructing its realism, as the reader’s mind is directed to the text quoted or alluded to and away from the situation at hand. The justification for this practice is that Dostoevsky’s novels are not primarily novels of manners, or even realistic social novels, but are rather in many ways close to the tradition that began with the Platonic dialogue. They are novels about ideas as much as about people.

Dostoevsky’s texts are alive, rather than lucid, well written, or elegant. They present the narrator’s and the characters’ speech in living flux, rather than as a finished product. An undercurrent of emotion or thought-in-progress is constantly present. The text is energized by an ever-active “inner form,” by which I mean any kind of verbal content beyond direct routine communication, or, in other words, any active ingredient added to the message by its medium. Metaphoric expression, such as podpol’e, “underground,” nadryv, “rupture,” or besy, “demons;’ is the most obvious example. “Inner form” may be generated also by rhythm, dialogic expression (as in irony, ambiguity, allusion, innuendo), over- and understatement, poignancy, solemnity, strangeness (through quirkiness, buffoonery, slang, idiolect, catachresis), challenging the reader by open partisanship, provocation, suspense, or novelty, and the narrator’s and everybody else’s unflagging personal interest in the action. “Inner form” makes the reader see things by making them concrete. For instance, the first chapter subtitle in The Brothers Karamazov might have been “The Story of a Family:’ which would have been routine communication without inner form. Instead, it is Istoriia Odnoi Semeiki– “The (Hi)Story of One Nice Little Family.”

A Reputation As A Poor Stylist
A reputation as a poor stylist has accompanied Dostoevsky since the publication of his first works. The critics’ opinion is the result of a misunderstanding that has been removed by Bakhtin’s insights. Bakhtin showed that Dostoevsky’s text creates a polyphonic concert of living voices, one of which is the narrator’s (which itself may well be dialogic!), rather than a homophonic narrative dominated by the narrator’s voice, Hence a controlled, economical, and well-integrated narrative style is not what Dostoevsky pursues. He will write elegantly only when the voice in question demands it. If one disregards the “polyphony” argument, Dostoevsky’s highly uneven narrative style, often distinctly colloquial, often journalistic, sometimes chatty, then again lyrical, solemn, or pathetic, places his work with the roman-feuilleton and may be legitimately seen as an aesthetic flaw. Today it is commonly seen as an innovative trait, adopted by Céline, Faulkner, Grass, and other leading novelists of the twentieth century.

Dostoevsky’s Religious Thought
The alleged moral flaws of Dostoevsky’s works are a function of the critic’s Weltanschauung. I believe that a Christian view close to Dostoevsky’s lets these flaws disappear. This is also true of Dostoevsky’s alleged pessimism. Thus, it is often said of The Idiot that the Good, personified in Prince Myshkin, is wholly ineffectual, and the ideal that the Prince stands for quite incompatible with life. Such criticism is invalid from Dostoevsky’s Christian viewpoint, for a Christian’s hope and joy are nurtured not by any earthly “and they lived happily ever after:’ but by faith in resurrection. A similar defense may be advanced against the charge that the atmosphere Dostoevsky created is sickly, hysterical, or outré (as he said himself). Nietzsche once called the evangelic world a mixture of the sickly, the childlike, and the sublime. The fervent excitement that permeates Dostoevsky’s world is shared with every ambience of religious or political ferment.

Ways In Which Men Live And Die With Or Without God
Dostoevsky’s religious thought is concerned with the ways in which men live and die with or without God. The solipsist antihero of Notes from Underground, the would-be Nietzschean Ubermensch Raskolnikov, l’homme revolte Kirillov of The Possessed, burnt-out Byronic heroes like Svidrigailov and Stavrogin, sensualists like Fiodor Pavlovich Karamazov, crude cynics like Smerdiakov, and even god-builders like Ivan Karamazov or Versilov of A Raw Youth – they are all humanists who believe that man can stand alone, without God — or against God. Dostoevsky’s peculiar approach to existence without God made him a forerunner of Existentialism. He asked not whether or not there is a God, but what living with or without God means for the existence of modern man. Despite his efforts to discredit atheist humanism, Dostoevsky became a prophet of the “death of God.” He certainly defined the condition of man without God with great power, though this achievement may have lost some of its provocative edge in our godless age.

Those of Dostoevsky’s characters who are with God, holy men like Tikhon, Makar Dolgoruky, or Zosima, simple souls like Sonia Marmeladov, Prince Myshkin, or Aliosha Karamazov, humble sinners like Marmeladov or Dmitry Karamazov, are no less memorable. Their state of grace is not determined by good deeds, or even by the fruits of their striving, but entirely by their unquestioning acceptance of God’s fatherhood. This position is complemented by a doctrine, stated most clearly by Father Zosima, of human solidarity in sonhood, which lets every human bear guilt and responsibility for every sin of humanity.

Dostoevsky’s Beliefs
Dostoevsky believed that a Christian’s progress is a struggle against human nature. Man is sustained in this struggle by epiphanies of divine grace, Father Zosima’s “contacts with other worlds,” which intrude upon man’s mundane existence. This position, and Dostoevsky’s rejection of ethical rationalism, are in accord not only with Orthodox doctrine, but also with some strains of romantic idealism. Dostoevsky’s religious philosophy is generally in tune with Russian Slavophile thought. Important as Dostoevsky’s religious ideas and Kulturkritik may be, to see his greatness mainly in these terms may divert us from an appreciation of his genius, simply because today, as in the writer’s lifetime, many readers will reject these ideas out of hand.

Nabokov’s Criticism
As for the cruelty of Dostoevsky’s talent, a charge raised by V. P. Burenin even before Mikhailovsky’s celebrated article, and reiterated by Nabokov, who speaks of Dostoevsky’s “wallowing in the tragic misadventures of human dignity,” this too depends on the critic’s point of view. A remark by Saltykov-Shchedrin, rather to the same effect, may put this trait in the right context. Speaking of Notes from Underground, Saltykov-Shchedrin suggests that the point of this work is to show that every man is trash; nor will he ever become a good man until he is convinced that he is indeed trash. He then adds: “In the end, he moves on to the real subject of his musings. He draws his proofs mostly from St. Thomas Aquinas, but since he fails to reveal this, his readers may think that these thoughts are the narrator’s own.” The meaning of this Aesopian comment is that Dostoevsky has taken his hero to the depths of abjection only in order to lead him thereafter to faith and salvation. From a Christian viewpoint there is nothing wrong with this. But it is difficult for a reader who does not share Dostoevsky’s Christian convictions to see it this way, or, for another example, to see Marmeladov, that image of abjection and degradation, as an edifying example and perhaps the most positive character of Crime and Punishment, discounting Sonia, who is a saint.

A Rosy Christianity?
Other charges related to the moral aspect of Dostoevsky’s works are also a matter of ideology. Such are the charges of unctuousness and “rosy Christianity.” The former is a matter of faith: a nonbeliever like Nabokov will find the reading of the Gospel that brings together “the murderer and the harlot” to be simply in bad taste. The believer will find it moving and edifying. Leontiev’s charge of “rosy Christianity,” shared with some conservative Orthodox churchmen, may well be valid for some of Dostoevsky’s writings, though not for his total oeuvre.

The Truth Content Of Dostoevsky’s Works
Turning now to the truth content of Dostoevsky’s works, the foremost charge is that he deals with the exceptional, rather than with the typical: a serious charge, considering Dostoevsky’s insistence that he was a realist, albeit “in a higher sense.” V. G. Belinsky said that madmen — Dostoevsky’s Goliadkin, hero of The Double (1846), is the case in point — being atypical, “belong in lunatic asylums, not in novels.” Dostoevsky, in commenting on his novel years later, said that he had heralded, precisely in this character, a new social type of importance. So Goliadkin’s madness was typical after all. Analogous disagreements between author and critics were repeated in connection with almost every work. Dostoevsky was confident that the future would prove him right: his “exceptional” characters would one day be recognized as prophetic of Russia’s future, while those of Goncharov, Turgenev, and Tolstoi would appear as what they were, even at their appearance: representations of Russia’s past. The last word may not yet have been said about Dostoevsky the prophet and religious thinker. His analysis of the mentality that caused the Russian Revolution was profoundly correct, yet he was wrong, judging from the present point in history, in assuming that Russian spirituality would prevail over the demons of godless humanism and nthilism.

The charges of outright distortion of reality relate mostly to Dostoevsky’s understanding of the mood and moral attitude of the young generation of the Russian intelligentsia. It would seem that he was overly optimistic when he hoped that Kolia Krasotkin would follow the example of Aliosha Karamazov, rather than that of Rakitin.

Dostoevsky As A Keen Psychologist
Since the 1840s, Dostoevsky has had a reputation as a keen psychologist. Even then some critics found his psychologism excessive. In the 1860s and 1870s, such charges were heard frequently, and it was suggested that Dostoevsky’s morbidly self-conscious and self-lacerating characters were unrepresentative of Russian society, but were, rather, projections of the author’s own diseased mind. Unquestionably, Dostoevsky had a deep understanding of humans under conditions of great stress caused by want, suffering, frustration, rejection, and despair. He understood the psychology of poverty, humiliation, resentment, jealousy, cynicism, and cruelty better than most. Whether he had a balanced view of the Russian men and women of his age is a different question. Excellence as a psychologist is hardly the measure of his greatness, however, especially because Dostoevsky himself often spoke disparagingly of “scientific” psychology.

As for the charge that Dostoevsky developed his psychological dramas in a vacuum, neglecting to give them a natural and social background, I believe that it is unfounded. A careful reader will find that each scene of a Dostoevskian novel is provided with ample and aptly chosen detail that acts as a proper setting for the scene. Some critics have said that mundane details, such as food and drink, clothing and land- or city-scape, are missing from Dostoevsky’s novels. This is simply not true. There is ample material for an article on “Food and Drink in The Brothers Karamazov,” for example, or on “The Topography of St. Petersburg in Crime and Punishment.”

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The Grand Inquisitor: Reading Dostoevksy

October 20, 2009
Brothers Karamazov

Smerdjakov: You're different from all of them. I could see that the first minute you arrived yesterday. Intelligence, audacity, cleverness...

Henri de Lubac has written of the art of Dostoevsky in The Drama of Atheistic Humanism that “We all have in ourselves our natures, our temperaments, our characters, containing elements many of which we proscribe, some of which we ratify and some of which we have to endure. There are characteristics which we have inherited and those which we have made for ourselves.

There are the things we hide from ourselves, and the things for which we yearn without possessing them, but which are a molding influence because they attract us. How many simplistic, would be profound explanations there are about it all. We are apt to forget that the life of the conscience cannot be grasped objectively and it is assumed that complete sincerity excludes any other effort than the courage to read ourselves. Moreover, these simplistic explanations, which take themselves for the last word in psychology and ethics, lead to absurd conclusions: the possibilities which swarm in us, more or less preformed, are varied, and contradictory: must we, to be sincere, put them all into practice?

And will sincerity also demand that we never think, except in accordance with what we are? Or might it occasionally consist unrecognizing that what we are is not in accordance with what we think?”

de Lubac concludes that “Dostoevsky is the prophet of the other life…[His truth] bears no resemblance to a positivist truth…it sets itself against any attempt on the part of man to establish an eternal life in this world; its purpose is not to leave him weighed down by a miserable lot. It is to reclaim him from a path that leads nowhere. He is the prophet of unity, which presupposes a breach to be healed; the prophet of a resurrection, which presupposes experience of death.” No where in perhaps his most Christian novel, The Brothers Karamazov, does Dostoevsky explore the mind of the atheist in Ivan Karamazov and in the legend of “The Grand Inquisitor” which is a function of his character.

As a teenager reading Dostoevsky in the 1960’s I totally misread The Brothers Karamazov and came away from it confirmed in my distrust of the whole Christian project. I still remember it to this day. In many ways I thought Ivan had it right. I admired him.

It seems I wasn’t alone in this either. Victor Terras in his seminal work “Reading Dostoevsky” (recommended by Fr. Richard John Neuhaus) deals with the legend of the Grand Inquisitor at length. Here is a reading selection from that book, which demonstrates the genius of Dostoevsky and this rich, deeply Christian novel. I offer it also has a further critique of the diabolists among us, who feature many of Ivan’s faults.

Chapters IV and V of Book Five of The Brothers Karamazov have received a disproportionate amount of critical attention. To those opposed to Dostoevsky’s idea, they have been the most worthwhile aspect of the novel; to those who are willing to accept The Brothers Karamazov as a Christian novel, they have been a serious stumbling block. M. A. Antonovich said that “the poem ‘The Grand Inquisitor’ provides the only poetic pages in the whole novel.

The legend of “The Grand Inquisitor” has been read not as an integral part of the novel, but as an independent text. In fact, the position of the Legend in the structural configuration of the novel is complex. It has a contrapuntal relationship with a number of specific scenes in the novel, and specific phrases and images of the Legend are echoed in phrases and images throughout the novel. In many instances a phrase in the Legend will sound familiar, and there are cases of mirroring in the opposite direction as well. For example, when Ivan suggests that the Grand Inquisitor “has joined . . . the clever people,” one immediately thinks of Fiodor Pavlovich’s words when he declares himself a member of that group of “clever people sitting snug and enjoying their brandy.” In both instances “clever people” (urnnye liudi) means “people who have discovered that there is no God” and are using this knowledge to their advantage. In the other direction, the phrase, of course, belongs to Smerdiakov: it appears in the heading of Chapter VII of Book Five.

First and foremost, the Legend is a function of the character of Ivan Karamazov. As such it is an expression of Ivan’s particular version of atheism, distinct from the atheism of Fiodor Paviovich, Miusov, Rakitin, and Smerdiakov. The Legend’s most important contrapuntal relationships are with chapters and passages belonging to Ivan: his synopsis of his article on Church and state in Book Two, the chapter preceding “The Grand Inquisitor,” and Ivan’s interview with the Devil.

It was Dostoevsky’s professed intent to present Ivan’s ideas merely in order to refute and to discredit them. In the process, he destroys Ivan Karamazov as a man and intellect by introducing a cleverly disguised subtext of derogatory detail. Ivan gets a proper buildup for his role: his precocious maturity, his intellectual brilliance, his early self-reliance and independence, are established even before we hear his voice. From the outset, all the positive things we hear about Ivan are undercut by a strategy that will become clear, even to the attentive reader, only much later. His intellectual ability is presented as unquestioned, but with a hint that it may be overestimated; his proud independence as praiseworthy, yet less admirable than Aliosha’s humble way of accepting as well as giving kindness; his early fame as undoubted, but limited to narrow intellectual circles.

When we first hear Ivan’s voice, it fully lives up to earlier advertisements: his synopsis of his controversial article makes a good impression. It takes an observer of Zosima’s intuition to sense the dissonance under the smooth surface of Ivan’s balanced presentation. At the conclusion of Book Two, the annoying but harmless Maksimov boards the Karamazov carriage at Fiodor Pavlovich’s invitation. Ivan angrily pushes him off: a seemingly trivial incident that the reader is apt to forget. But it starts a pattern.

Over a glass of brandy, Ivan’s few words and actions seem well controlled — until the ugly outburst: “One viper will devour the other, and good riddance!” Ivans smooths over the disturbance by suggesting that this was only a wish, and “as for my wishes, I reserve myself full latitude.” Ironically, it is from this point on that Ivan begins to lose precisely what he defends so energetically: his “latitude” as a free individual. From here on, there will be more and more hints that Ivan’s behavior is compulsive and that he is losing control of himself. In chapter v of Book Four, the scene with Katerina Ivanovna, he puts up a bold front, but we know that he will not be able to tear himself away from her.

Book Five shows Ivan at the summit of his role. His rebellion against God’s world is fervently eloquent. His rejection of a God who allows innocent children to suffer has the ring of inspired invective. Ivan speaks like a prosecutor who is convinced of the guilt of the accused. He cheats a bit when he generously declares that he will limit his argument to the sufferings of children: “This will reduce the range of my argumentation about tenfold, but let it be about children only. It is so much less to my advantage, of course.”. One feels that the speaker’s loathing of the child abusers is stronger than his compassion for their victims, but this hardly reduces the power of his argument. The truth is, of course, that Ivan advances only his strongest evidence, leaving the more dubious aside. One has to read between the lines to realize how Dostoevsky undermines Ivan’s position, as in this example:

“And so they dragged Richard, all covered with his brothers’ kisses, up on the scaffold, put him on the guillotine, and in good brotherly fashion zapped off his head after all, on account of God’s grace having descended upon him, too.”

Dostoevsky does not have to say that Ivan, obsessed by his hatred of God’s world and moved by his contempt for the pious citizens of Geneva, is blind to the obvious fact that God’s grace had indeed descended upon the hapless Richard, who died in a state of grace.

At the end of the “Revolt” chapter, Aliosha advances the antithesis to Ivan’s charges: the image and example of Christ. Ivan has anticipated this response and has prepared his counterargument: “The Grand Inquisitor.” While the refutation of “Revolt” is left largely to later portions of the novel, the refutation of “The Grand Inquisitor” is largely implicit in the very ideas, structure, and style of the Legend as Ivan tells it. “The Grand Inquisitor” is an intricate web in which the unwary are caught all too easily — and Ivan is himself the first victim of Dostoevsky’s stratagems. Dostoevsky once said:

In an artistic presentation, idea and intent manifest themselves firmly, clearly, and comprehensibly. And whatever is clear and comprehensible is of course despised by the crowd. It is quite a different thing with something that is involved and makes no sense, Why, “we don’t understand this, and hence it must be profound.” (Notebooks 1876 — 77, p. 610)

“The Grand Inquisitor” is composed according to this recipe: intricate, abstruse, and difficult to make sense of. However, Dostoevsky has taken care that a sensitive and attentive reader can see through Ivan’s fabrication. He allows Ivan to build what appears to be an impressive argument that is, nevertheless, undermined and eventually destroyed by a counterpoint of false notes, dissonances, insinuations, and inadvertent revelations.

Ivan calls his piece a poem, but it is poetic only in those few passages that deal directly with Christ; the rest is rhetoric, in much the same style as the preceding chapter. Ivan juxtaposes his poem to the medieval Legend of the Virgin’s Descent to Hell, of which he tells Aliosha with somewhat supercilious admiration. In the Virgin’s forgiveness of the murderers and tormentors of her son is given a first response to Ivan’s “Revolt.” At the same time, the recollection of the genuine legend helps the reader to expose Ivan’s pseudo-legend for what it is: “A silly poem by a silly student who never wrote two lines of poetry in his life.”

The melodramatic appearance of the Grand Inquisitor, “tall and erect, with an emaciated face and sunken eyes, in which there gleams, however, a brilliance, like a fiery spark,” shows up the unreal quality of this figure  – one need only compare it with Father Zosima’s modest and unassuming presence. Later, in Ivan’s nightmare, the Devil will make fun of Ivan’s penchant for romantic lamour. Anyway, the relationship between Ivan and his creation, the Grand Inquisitor, soon turns into one of romantic irony, as Ivan will alternately identify with the Grand Inquisitor and then detach himself from him and present him as a vehicle of his own ideas. He thus deprives his creation of its authoritative voice and its integrity, making it sound self-conscious, overly emphatic, defensive, and even shrill. The Grand Inquisitor’s arguments, recognizably Ivan’s own, are advanced intermittently and intertwiningly on several different levels.

On an anthropological level, the notion is advanced that there are two kinds, of men: the superior few and the inferior many. The ideal condition for humanity is that the inferior be ruled by the superior. On a metaphysical level, it is established that there is no God. Therefore man is free. However, only the superior few know this. Inferior men have a need to believe in a higher power and are anxious to relinquish their freedom at the earliest occasion. The superior will oblige and rule them. [This is so true of our present diabolists as well: the preening of intellect is a singular identifying feature.]

On a hermeneutic level, Christ’s temptation by the Devil is reinterpreted as a fatal mistake on the part of Christ, who misjudged human nature when He extended the privileges of superior men to all humans. Meanwhile, on a historical level, the Church has long since decided that Christ was wrong and the Devil right — and has acted accordingly. Finally, on an apocalyptic level, a terrible age of persecution of the Church by the frankly godless is predicted. But humanity’s attempt to erect this second tower of Babel will fail, and mankind will return to the Church, which will then establish its own utopia on earth, based on miracle, mystery, and authority. The elect will know that these foundations of their rule are fraudulent, but they will bear the burden of this knowledge to make the masses of inferior humans happy.

Although these ideas are presented with great fervor, inserted into each and every one of them are details that will undermine and explode them. Ivan’s anthropology is vitiated by the fact that it is self-serving, for he counts himself among the “clever people.” The Grand Inquisitor has done nothing for suffering humanity. How is one to believe in a love for mankind whose only expression that we have been told of is the burning of numerous heretics?

On a metaphysical level, Ivan is quite unaware of the words he himself said only minutes earlier: in the Virgin’s descent to Hell, mention is made of certain sinners “whom God forgets.” Ivan calls this “an expression of extraordinary depth and force.” Could he be one of these sinners? Ivan credits himself, through the Grand Inquisitor, with a love of freedom, yet denounces similar feelings in others as a “mutiny” of “schoolboys”  – while Aliosha’s word “mutiny,” applied to Ivan, still rings in his ears, and while Ivan refers to himself as “only a student.”

The Grand Inquisitor will not allow Christ to add an iota to what is said in Scriptures, “lest He deprive men of their freedom,” yet he is himself engaged in a conspiracy to do just that. Moreover, the Grand Inquisitor lets us know, inadvertently, that without God there is no real miracle, no real mystery, and no real authority, only a false promise and a false pretense of such. For if Christ had only made a move toward the edge of the tower, He would have naturally fallen to His death . So the Grand Inquisitor denies miracle, mystery, and authority, substituting for them magic, deception, and tyranny. The whole secret of the Grand Inquisitor, says Aliosha, is that he does not believe in God. In Ivan’s interview with the Devil, we shall learn that such unbelief comes from weakness, not from strength.

The very words that introduce the Devil ought to be enough to put the reader on guard: “The awesome and wise spirit, the spirit of self-destruction and nonbeing.” Who wants any part of self-destruction and non-being? When the Grand Inquisitor advertises the Devil’s temptation of Christ as something that “all the wisdom of the world could not equal in power and profundity,” it must become clear to any reader who is not blind to the drift of Dostoevsky’s argument that it leads ad absurda. Obviously there is nothing profound about the Devil’s suggestions, for all three have occurred to everybody in one form or another. The wise man knows that the Devil, or any disciple of his, has not the power to fulfill his promises and that his disciples will likewise have to depend on fraud.

Ivan’s claim that the Church has been for centuries in the hands of men like his Grand Inquisitor is based on mere speculation, as Ivan admits. Aliosha indignantly rejects the assertion, even for the Catholic Church as a whole. Still, this might be one of Ivan’s stronger points. Dostoevsky makes sure it remains a marginal one. Ivan’s apocalyptic vision has him use the Book of Revelation to the extent that it suits his purposes. He predicts the collapse of the godless materialist utopia of “the Beast,” following Revelation 17:5, but ignores the exposure and disgrace of the Great Harlot. Ivan perverts the Book of Revelation, much as he perverts every other source he uses in “The Grand Inquisitor” (the Gospel, the Legend of the Virgin’s Descent to Hell, Tiutchev, Pushkin).

All these details in the subtext of “The Grand Inquisitor” are not easily detected, but an attentive reader will catch enough along the way. Even a less careful reader will be impressed by a basic emotive undercurrent that is present in “The Grand Inquisitor” from beginning to end: the weak, lowly, wretched masses of humanity and the wise and mighty few. A steady stream of abuse is heaped upon the former, a steady flow of self-congratulatory adulation descends on the latter. The former are ultimately reduced to so much “cattle” and “geese,” while the latter become “gods,”, implying, “And whosoever shall exalt himself, shall be abased, and he that shall humble himself shall be exalted” (Matt. 23:12).

The physical details of the Grand Inquisitor’s utopia are made to be very much like those of any socialist materialist utopia. The difference is that the socialist utopia is based on faith in a rational effort of an enlightened mankind (Rakitin’s statement), while the Grand Inquisitor’s utopia is produced by an elite for the benefit of the ignorant masses and involves a sham religion:

“Receiving bread from us, they will of course see clearly that we take the bread made by their hands from them? to give it to them, without any miracle. They will see that we do not change any stones to bread, but in truth they will be more thankful for taking it from our hands than for the bread itself!”

The suggestion that the Grand Inquisitor’s utopia could survive after the socialist utopia has failed seems unconvincing. In competition with Rakitin’s theory, Ivan’s suffers the same fate as does his personal career: by discrediting Rakitin, he discredits himself.

When Ivan finally declares that even Christ “turned back and joined… the clever people,” he forgets that only the day before Fiodor Pavlovich had declared himself to be precisely one of those “clever people” who have discovered that there is no God and take advantage of this circumstance. Soon Ivan will be welcomed to the circle of “clever people” by none other than the lackey Smerdiakov. In the chapters following “The Grand Inquisitor,” Ivan keeps saying and doing things he did not mean to do or say. The reader suspects that he acts under a subconscious compulsion and that this compulsion is somehow linked with the person of Smerdiakov.

This pattern becomes quite pronounced in Book Eleven. We see clear indications of a split personality, as Ivan’s conscious mind frantically tries to suppress the thought of Smerdiakov’s and his own guilt, a thought that must be deeply implanted in Ivan’s subconscious. Again, this is not made explicit, but must be gathered from between the lines. In Ivan’s interview with the Devil, foreshadowed by earlier hints about a mysterious visitor, the disintegration of Ivan’s personality becomes explicit and complete. From here on he is a raving madman, My point is that this pitiful condition of the once proud and self-assured atheist has been set up by an extensive subtext.

Furthermore, “an emotional atmosphere is prepared for what will be brought forth in the next book (The Russian Monk),” as A. S. Dolinin has observed. If there is anything else that will strike the reader even without a careful scrutiny of the text, it is that freedom is an important and a precious thing. The Grand Inquisitor protests too loudly that men do not care for their freedom and will gladly hand it over to the elect few. By protesting too much, the Grand Inquisitor plants in the reader’s mind the idea that freedom is, in spite of everything, man’s greatest good. The opposite idea, that bread is the greatest good, is presented wrily, without much enthusiasm, and as even V. V. Rozanov observed, is soon undermined: the Grand Inquisitor admits that man will abandon “even his bread and follow him who will seduce his conscience.”

Here the Grand Inquisitor’s argument is truly balanced on a razor’s edge. He admits the power of man’s conscience only in a negative way (it may be seduced — prel’stit’), but he leaves the door open to a positive restatement: a man will abandon even his livelihood and follow Him who will win his conscience, Jesus Christ.

The major characters of The Brothers Karamazov are all theologians of sorts, not excluding even Fiodor Pavlovich and Smerdiakov. Those theologians who side with the Devil proclaim, in one way or another, that “all things are lawful,” a quotation from 1 Corinthians 6:12. Those who are with God have several leitmotifs, all of which appear as a subtext more often than they are stated explicitly. The epigraph of the novel (John 12:24), quoted several times in the text, appears between the lines even more often. Father Zosima’s oft-repeated principle of universal guilt and responsibility, and his joyous affirmation of life, likewise appear as a subtext throughout the novel, with many passages gravitating toward Father Zosima’s words.

The theme of fatherhood and sonhood, clearly of focal importance, appears largely as a subtext related to biblical passages (Matt. 18:3,19:14). The text of the novel features the sufferings of innocent children as the argument against God’s fatherhood. But a concurrent subtext tells the reader that all men are really children: the vigorous and violent Dmitry is childlike, and even the old lecher Fiodor Pavlovich appears “like a child” to his murderer at the moment of his death.

The presence of the Devil as a subtext, first pointed out by Robert Belknap, is reinforced by recurrent explicit references to Hell. Ivan Karamazov’s behavior becomes understandable once one is aware of the Devil’s presence. The fact that Ivan often uses the Devil’s name in vain thus becomes meaningful, as do such details as Ivan’s asking, “Am I my brother’s keeper?” the words of Cain.

Other characters who are in the Devil’s clutches are likewise markeed by diabolic references. Fiodor Pavlovich jokes about devils who drag sinners down to hell with hooks: little does he know that the Devil’s hooks already have a firm grip on him. It is significant that he puts his trust in Smerdiakov. Fiodor Paviovich also declares to Father Zosima that he is possessed by a demon — “one of small caliber, to be sure.”

Smerdiakov is the Devil’s disciple all along, even as a child. He enacts black rites; he is the tempter not only of Ivan and Dmitry, but also of little Iliusha. He lures Dmitry into a deadly trap, and even Fiodor Paviovich is a pitiful figure as Smerdiakov uses the old man’s lust for Grushenka to manipulate him. In the end there are some strong hints — note that all this is between the lines   – that Smerdiakov may be himself the Devil. At his last interview with Ivan, he appears to the latter more like a phantom than a human being- When he begins to roll down his stocking to pull out the bundle of banknotes, Ivan is paralyzed by fear: we are not told of what. Is it fear of the cloven hoof that will show under the stocking? When the Devil finally appears in person, we will learn that he arrived precisely one minute after Smerdiakov hanged himself. No connection between these two events is indicated, but the reader cannot help sensing one. Smerdiakov remains present through Book Twelve: we hear his voice in the background of Ippolit Kirillovich’s reconstruction of the murder, a circumstance that Fetiukovich registers. Ippolit Kirillovich, who believes that he is honestly performing his duty as attorney for the people, is in effect doing the Devil’s bidding.

The workings of the Devil may be traced in many other scenes throughout the novel. In particular, scenes involving Father Ferapont, Rakitin, and Maksimov offer ample material. It is certainly significant that the Devil is not absent from the world of children either: Liza Khokhlakova and Kolia Krasotkin are both in grave danger, she because she is already tainted, and he because he is clearly a double of Ivan Karamazov. Could this be a part of Dostoevsky’s strategy to diffuse the power of Ivan Karamazov’s charge that God allows innocent children to suffer?

Needless to say, the above are only some of the instances in which the positions of the novel’s characters are expressed in terms of a subtext based on religious beliefs or, more directly, in terms of biblical quotations or allusions to sacred texts. The repeated mention of the Book of Job suggests that The Brothers Karamazov is no more and no less than a modern version of the Old Testament theodicy. The temptation of Christ in the desert appears as a subtext throughout the novel, starting with Book One, where a good deal of attention is devoted to the question of “faith” and “miracle.” As Ellis Sandoz has pointed out, the ultimate frame of reference of the Grand Inquisitor chapter and its many echoes throughout the novel is 2 Thessalonians 2:6-12 [“And you know what is now restraining him, so that he may be revealed when his time comes. For the mystery of lawlessness is already at work, but only until the one who now restrains it is removed. And then the lawless one will be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus will destroy with the breath of his mouth, annihilating him by the manifestation of his coming. he coming of the lawless one is apparent in the working of Satan, who uses all power, signs, lying wonders, and every kind of wicked deception for those who are perishing, because they refused to love the truth and so be saved. For this reason God sends them a powerful delusion, leading them to believe what is false, so that all who have not believed the truth but took pleasure in unrighteousness will be condemned.”], St. Paul’s prophecy of the coming of the Antichrist.

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Dostoevsky’s Question

October 6, 2009

DostoevskyBierOn the occasion of  Rowan Williams publishing Dostoevsky: Language, Faith, and Fiction, Fr. Richard John Neuhaus wrote a few brief comments in First Things. He praised Williams for his impressive command of Dostoevsky scholarship, and his ability to correct translations when he thought it was called for. Greatly influenced, as all Dostoevsky scholars were, by Michael Bakhtin’s work, published in English in 1984 as Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics, Williams urged his readers to move beyond the countless books claiming that Dostoevsky’s novels are about wrestling with the problem of belief or unbelief in the existence of God. Both Neuhaus and Williams felt Dostoevsky settled that question a long time ago. Writing toward the very end of his life in 1881, Dostoevsky had declared, “It is not as a child that I believe in Christ and confess him. My hosanna has passed through a great crucible of doubt.”

Neuhaus continues: “The great question addressed in multiple ways by Dostoevsky was this: What does it mean to believe in Christ as the Son of God in a world that so brutally denies his claims? Or, as Williams puts it, proposing this as the theme of his book, “What is it that human beings owe to one another?” His subtitle— Language, Faith, and Fiction—is key to Williams’ understanding of Dostoevsky’s answer to the question.

As someone who has wrestled with the problem of Christian fellowship, my interest was pricked by the question. I instantly reformed it again from “What is it that human beings owe to one another?” to  “What is it that Catholics owe to one another?” What does it mean to coexist with each other in the belief in Christ as the Son of God in a society that turns its back on those claims? For me I see less a brutal denial as much as an even more brutal failure to engage that belief in any form at all. There is something more brutal than denying, it is simply ignoring the other or not speaking to them. This has always been the weapon of choice in my family – my two sisters and my brother no longer speak to me.

The representative passage that Neuhaus chooses to answer this from Williams’ book on Dostoevsky is this: “The enterprise of growth and so the life of narrative thus always involves a venturing into that uncontrolled territory where dialogue and interaction bring to light, not to say bring into being, hidden dimensions in a speaker. To engage in this venture is to accept at the outset that no speaker has the last word, and that the position taken up in an initial exchange is going to be tested and sifted and renegotiated in the process. It is to accept that at the outset no one possesses the simple truth about their identity or interest, and to treat with the deepest skepticism any appeal to the sacredness of an inner life that is transparent to the speaker.”

Neuhaus comments: “This passage shows an endlessly patient insistence on and respect for the “the other” and “otherness,” a dialogical enmity toward every form of closure, an obligation to keep the narrative open. It is in many ways an attractive disposition, although at times its expression, frequently littered with literary jargon, can be cloying. For instance: “In sum: Responsibility is the free acceptance of the call to give voice to the other, while leaving them time and space to be other; it is the love of the other in his or her wholeness, that is, including the fact of their relatedness to more than myself; it is the acceptance of the labor of decentering the self and dissolving its fantasies of purely individual autonomy, and it is to be open to a potentially unlimited range of relation, to human and nonhuman others.” That is certainly Rowan Williams. Whether it is Dostoevsky is quite another matter. My own impression is that Dostoevsky would gag at that way of putting the matter.”

Fr. Neuhaus always made me laugh out loud.

But he always returns to praise: “Williams also offers flashes of insight such as this: “The cultural situation evoked in Devils illuminates that teasingly familiar formula in Karamazov about everything being permitted if God does not exist. What happens ‘if God does not exist’ is not that a particular item is withdrawn from the sum total of actual things, so that no punishment for evil can be guaranteed. It is that we are no longer able to see violence against others as somehow blasphemous, an offense against an eternal order; no longer able to see our dealings with each other as opening on to a depth of interiority that we cannot fathom or exhaust. In a world deprived of such possibilities, it is reasonable enough to respond to a suicide by saying ‘it was the best solution’; there is nothing definably insane about taking one’s own life.” The great question posed by Dostoevsky in asking about what human beings owe to one another is how we can be counted on to respect that to which we are not obliged by a truth beyond our own contriving. That is the context in which the proposition is entertained that, if there is no God, all things are permitted.

Fr. Neuhaus concludes: “Rowan Williams persuasively makes the case that Dostoevsky’s novels are a “polyphonic” exercise in which the many voices of his characters, including the voices of his conflicted self, address with inspired passion, cool rationality, demonic possession, and radical faith the question of what we human beings owe one another. In making that case, Dostoevsky: Language, Faith, and Fiction is — despite the author’s excursions into strumming the jargon of fashionable literary theory — a magnificent contribution to understanding the questions that haunted and drove the world’s greatest novelist…Dostoevsky illuminates what we human beings owe one another. …it does provide needed wisdom in tempering the rancor of the bellicosity to which we human beings, including we Christians, are prone.”

It strikes me that the response of the secular society to the Catholics in their midst is to marginalize, to turn their backs on us. Many times arguing from the point of view of faith is seen to eliminate one from the discussion – the diabolists in our midst see an argument from faith as being “absolutist” and not worthy of reply. Oddly enough the so-called absolutist is discarding the many in favor of one whereas the relativist is only recognizing one to begin with and doesn’t engage in any beyond that. As Peter Kreeft put it in A Refutation Of Moral Relativism: “Relativism says there are no absolutes… Absolutism says there are some absolutes. At least one absolute. Absolutism is relatively absolutistic, and relativism is absolutely relativistic.”

Much in the same way as my family, to deny the other actually involves dealing with him, so the solution is to ignore the other. The diabolist’s solution is to ignore the Catholic – this is far safer, far easier to deal with. But it can never last. Most situations I have found simply require patience in dealing with the other – what was Flannery’s collection of short stories called? “Everything That Rises Must Converge,” an expression she found in Pierre Teilhard de Chardin that stuck in her mind. This is what I took from Neuhaus’ meditation on Dostoyevsky’s Question: No speaker has the last word, and that the position taken up in an initial exchange is going to be tested and sifted and renegotiated in the process. It is to accept that at the outset no one possesses the simple truth about their identity or interest, and to treat with the deepest skepticism any appeal to the sacredness of an inner life that is transparent to the speaker. You cannot marginalize Jesus, it is only an illusion that one can, in the same way that the diabolist (relativist) claims that he advocates no absolutes. Everything moves towards a resolution. In the meantime, let us pray for one another as we approach that resolution.

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